Evaldo Cabral de Mello described him as: "The man in the history of Brazil that embodied the quintessential nativist sentiment was curiously a Lusitanian 'jus sanguinis'."

Caneca shared liberal and republican ideas, and attended the Academia do Paraíso, one of the meeting places of those who, influenced by the American and French revolutions, conspired against Portuguese rule.

His presence only detects the last weeks of existence of the regime, to monitor the republican army, which marched to the south of the province, in order to face the troops of the Count of Arcos, at which, according to the indictment, would have exercised captain of guerrillas."

The "Beberibe Convention" consecrated in September the status quo, predicting that Recife and Goiana would continue to operate in the areas under their control, pending the decision of the Courts.

Evaldo Cabral de Mello stated, "The Cortes of Lisbon, on one hand, and the regency of Dom Pedro, on the other, embodied in terms of 1817 aspirations, equally legitimate options, although incomplete and contradictory.

On one hand, the Sovereign Congress offered a liberal regime, under a constitutional monarchy, though, from February 1822, was clear in Brazil that they would charge the price of not pure and simple restoration of the commercial monopoly, it was impossible to resurrect but a preferential system for trade and Portuguese navigation.

In turn, the regency of Rio promised freedom of trade and independence but with the expected bill of building an authoritarian regime based in south-central (region of Brazil)."

The Board will be anathematized Varnhagen Jose Honorio Rodrigues, accused of lack of national feeling, their defense was made by Barbosa Lima Sobrinho).

Afterwards, the Gamas tried to recover in court and denounced what they called the Republican faction of the province, drawing up a list of suspects that included Frei Caneca.

Brother Mug sided with the opposition without fighting it, but he preferred to engage against the group in Rio de Janeiro, which intended to dictate the fate of the province.

Frei Caneca even pronounced a gratitude prayer on the occasion of the thanksgiving ceremony in the Church of the Holy Body, by Pedro I acclamation as emperor.

It was published in the Mail of Rio de Janeiro, a periodical property of João Soares Lisboa, who participated in the Confederation of the Equator, and died on September 30, 1824, wounded in combat during his escape through the interior of Pernambuco next to Brother Mug and other companions.

Pedro da Silva Pedroso, or Pedrosa, was the governor of arms of the province that retraced the Pais Barreto alliance that toppled Gervásio, without which could depose him, for his support of Gama, in court.

As for the Pedrosada, the established wanton that pronounced Pedrosa and Paula Gomes and José Fernandes Gama members of the government, and due to the imperial protection none of them were to be punished.

He and others soon grew frustrated with the constitution of the newly formed Empire of Brazil,[5][6] which limited autonomy in the provinces, and returned to secessionist politics, this time becoming a leader in the Confederation of the Equator by providing much of its intellectual support.

[8] It is essential to know the political and provincial context of Brother Mug political works, the situation in which they lived Pernambuco and the other provinces to understand the movement that represented the Confederation of Ecuador - muffled under "the weight of Saquarema's tradition in Brazilian historiography Independence", that is, which Evaldo Cabral de Mello called "the historiography of Rio de Janeiro state court and its epigones in the Republic" claiming for the three great provinces of the Southeast the role of builders of nationality.

The revolutionary Pernambuco cycle cannot, of course, be considered separatists – but the presumption of separatism was the result of the gap occurred between the emancipation process in the Southeast and Northeast.

Says Cabral de Mello, page 29 of the cited work: "In the euphoria that followed the liberal revolution of the Kingdom, the expectations of reducing the burden of taxes in trade and agriculture were not lower than the rest of Brazil.

They were perhaps larger, since the installation of the court in 1808, Pernambuco was burdened with new taxes for including the public lighting of Rio, promptly revoked by Gervásio's Board.

Thus, the north accession to the emperor was above all a matter of urgent financial, coffee not as profitable at the mid-30s, so the main line of the tax revenue which had to come from sugar and cotton, products predominantly northerners."

After September 7, "the intensification of the fight between Jose Bonifacio and the liberals of the Court had led to censorship of the press, with the closure of newspapers and the attack on the director of the Malagueta, and the arrest of more than 300 individuals, the same who had beaten for independence since the departure of John VI".

There were other dissatisfaction reasons: requirements of Rio de Janeiro state treasury, the draft constitution published by the Correio Brasiliense in September 1822, the creation of the Swiss battalion, the foundation of the Apostolate, the institution of Imperial Cruise Order, seen as "the club of servile aristocrats".

The Military Commission ordered his death by firing squad ("since it can not be hanged for disobedience of the executioners"),[1][2] attached to one of the gallows rods, by a platoon under the command of the same official.

The poet and writer João Cabral de Melo Neto described in verses, in 1984, the last day of Frei Caneca, in his work The Friar's Way (Auto do Frade).