The best known text focused on him is KTU 1.100, often interpreted as a myth, in which the Ugaritic sun goddess Shapash implores him to help pḥlt, a figure of unknown character troubled by snakes.

In the first millennium BCE, Hauron continued to be worshiped in Egypt, but his cult also spread through the Mediterranean, and he is attested in Phoenician and Punic sources from as far west as Sardinia.

[9] While the god was known to modern researchers since François Chabas published a translation of the Harris Magical Papyrus in 1860, only in the 1930s it became possible to establish that he originated outside Egypt.

"[12] Similarities to the Arabic word ḥaur, referring to the bottom of a well or a broad depression,[12] and to Hebrew ḥôr, "cave" or "hole," have been pointed out, though according to Nicolas Wyatt the fact that in Ugaritic the cognate is written ḫr rather than ḥr might cast doubts over this etymology.

[15] In a single passage, he is addressed as a ḥbr(m), most likely to be understood as a term referring to a specialist in the field of magic comparable to Mesopotamian mašmāšu or āšipu, translated into English as "spellcaster" by Aicha Rahmouni.

[19] The Egyptian Papyrus Harris mentions Hauron in a role similar to that he plays in Ugaritic texts, invoking him to render a wolf harmless with the help of Anat and a third deity, identified as either Arsaphes or Resheph depending on the translation.

[21] Jacobus van Dijk concluded that he was understood as a god of the desert capable of protecting people and livestock from the animals inhabiting it.

[1] George Hart argued that Hauron's character was ambivalent, and asserted in particular that his association with a "tree of death" in a single text he identifies as "Canaanite" designates him as a "god of doom.

"[1] The term ‘ṣ mt, translated as "tree of death"[23] or "deathly tree," is present in the Ugaritic text KTU 1.100 in a description of plants gathered by Hauron, but the passage according to Wilfred G. E. Watson should be understood as a recipe for a cure for snakebite and lists ordinary plants, though he notes the precise identification of individual names remains disputed.

[25] It is a matter of dispute among researchers if Hauron was also associated with the underworld, with some authors, such as Nicolas Wyatt, voicing support for this assumption,[26] while others, for example Manfred Krebernik [de], do not consider it to be conclusively proven.

[5] Wyatt's argument rests on the assumption that the term designating Hauron's dwelling in the Ugaritic texts, mṣd (in KTU 1.100 written as mṣdh, which is possibly a directional form, a possessive one, or both at once) refers to a location in the underworld.

[32] In the past it was believed that the logogram dNIN.URTA, found in a total of four passages in the corpus of the Amarna letters, might correspond to Hauron, but this view has been challenged in 1990 by Nadav Na'aman.

[33] He points out that his character was not similar to Mesopotamian Ninurta, and additionally that he is entirely absent from theophoric names from Ugarit and other late Bronze Age sites, unlike the deity represented by this logogram.

[35] This proposal subsequently found support from other researchers, including Peggy L. Day (who extends its scope to dNIN.URTA in documents from Emar as well)[36] and Michael P. Streck (who only considers it applicable to Canaan and the kingdom of Amurru).

[25] One example is KTU 1.82, in which both the god himself and his nameless servants appear alongside a selection of figures presumed to have negative characters in this context, including Resheph, Mot and Tunnanu.

[39] Horon is mentioned in the text KTU 1.100,[40] whose genre is disputed, with individual authors classifying it as a "charm against serpents," an incantation, a myth,[41] or a "paramythological" composition.

[43] Gregorio del Olmo Lete assumes she should be understood as a distinct goddess, possibly one also associated with a similar sphere of activity as Hauron and thus comparable to Mesopotamian Ningirima or to Išḫara.

[57] However, no accounts of clergy dedicated to him or to Hauron (or Hauron-Harmachis) are available, with the exception of an isolate reference to a certain Pay, a grain measurer in his service, which is considered difficult to reconcile with the large number of available sources documenting the daily life of ancient Giza.

[60] The limestone doors of a building from the reign of Tutankhamun located in the proximity of the Great Sphinx refer to the pharaoh as the "beloved of Hauron.

[64] Richard H. Wilkinson does consider it possible that it was initiated by workmen from outside Egypt present in the area, but he also proposes that it might be rooted in a hitherto unknown mythological connection.

[21] According to Zivie-Coche, the scope of the connection between Hauron and Harmachis was unique and it should be considered a distinct phenomenon from the other instances of adoption of northern deities in Egypt.

[6] A personal prayer of a certain Kheruef uses the formula "Harmachis in his name of Hauron," and implores the god to grant him a long life, reassuring him that he will "follow [his] ka" (remain faithful).

[64] On amulets from Deir el-Medina, Hauron instead appears alongside Shed, and according to Jacobus van Dijk seemingly could be identified with him in this area, as evidenced by use of double names Hauron-Shed and Shed-Hauron.

[11] It was the norm in ancient Egyptian art to depict foreign deities in the same manner as native ones, with attributes reflecting their individual character and position in the pantheon rather than their origin.

[20] Since this city is located in the historical Philistia, the presence of Hauron in the local pantheon might indicate that the Philistines at some point incorporated Canaanite deities into their own beliefs.