He participated in protests against the regime of Augusto B. Leguía, standing out as a vigorous and eloquent speaker, with great power of persuasion due to the depth of his ideas.

Banished by Leguía in 1922, he emigrated to Mexico, where in 1924 he founded the APRA, a political movement with continental projection and a social democratic orientation, initially with a clear anti-imperialist position.

He remained in hiding until 1945, when his party returned to legality; he supported the National Democratic Front, which elevated José Luis Bustamante y Rivero to the presidency.

Once again as presidential nominee, he placed first in the 1962 election, but the Armed Forces issued a veto against him, prompting a military coup that overthrew Prado and prevented his bidding to seal his victory in Congress in favor of Odría.

During the Armed Forces Revolutionary Government, he assembled and instructed a new generation of party leaders, which included his successor and future president of Peru, Alan García.

In 1913, he enrolled in the National University of Trujillo to study literature, where he met and forged a solid friendship with the Peruvian poet César Vallejo.

Both, along with other students and under the leadership of Antenor Orrego and José Eulogio Garrido, integrated the so-called "Trujillo bohemia", where he was known as "The Prince of Misfortune" among his classmates.

In 1917, he was introduced to politician and writer Manuel González Prada, whom is cited as his main influence in the capital, developing political concerns derived from the radicalism of said intellectual.

He participated in the first National Student Congress, held in Cusco (March 1920), where the project to create the "popular universities" was approved,[8] which in 1922 took shape under the name of "González Prada", night schools for workers, which according to some historians formed the foundation for his party.

One of the most significant of these protests was the opposition campaign to the projected official consecration of the country to the Sacred Heart order, promoted by the Archbishop of Lima, Emilio Lisson, to legitimize the dictatorial regime.

[9] Later, Haya led the radical student-worker magazine Claridad, in collaboration with José Carlos Mariátegui, as "organ of the free youth of Peru" and of the popular universities.

As it can be deduced from its name, Haya de la Torre's initial political option sought to consolidate itself into a project for Latin America, as a pan-Latin American movement.

Initially published in English in the Labour Monthly magazine in London, in December 1926, and later translated into Spanish and reproduced in various Latin American publications.

In this document, it exposes the five basic points of the Aprista doctrine: In September 1924 he traveled to Russia, where he made contact with the Russian Revolution, which served as a source of inspiration for his ideology.

He then undertook a tour of Guatemala, El Salvador, Costa Rica and, again, Panama, being prevented from landing in the Canal Zone and, rather, was exiled again to Europe on December 16, 1928.

After having lived in exile as a consequence of his fight against the Leguía administration, Haya de la Torre returned to Peru, having been nominated as presidential candidate for the 1931 general election with the newly founded Peruvian Aprista Party.

Haya de la Torre was subsequently arrested, and the APRA congressional representation was ousted in January 1932, prompting popular protests across the country.

Haya de la Torre agreed to launch jurist José Luis Bustamante y Rivero as the presidential nominee for FDN.

On May 20, 1945, Haya reappeared in public, after ten years in hiding, on the occasion in which he delivered his "Reencounter Speech", before a massive concentration of his supporters in Plaza San Martín.

They made vigorous pressure to achieve their objectives, provoking the reaction of the conservative elite, which originated a stage of misrule and anarchy that put the regime in check.

Haya took refuge in the Colombian embassy in Lima where he requested political asylum for sixty-three months since the Odría administration refused to grant the safe-conduct to leave the country, a situation that became an important reference case in international law.

[22] In 1954, Haya was authorized to leave Peru thanks to international pressure – he was friends with various figures, such as Albert Einstein[23] - and published an article in Life magazine where he began to outline the "democratic anti-imperialism without empire".

[26] The Armed Forces denounced fraud in ten departments and also spoke against the virtual president Odría (and not against Haya, according to the position of the historian Percy Cayo Córdoba).

Finally, on July 18, the first institutional coup of the Armed Forces took place, led by General Ricardo Pérez Godoy, who overthrew the government of Manuel Prado Ugarteche, thus declaring the elections void and installed a military junta.

During the years of the Belaúnde administration, Haya and his party remained in opposition alongside Manuel Odría, forming the APRA-UNO coalition, which by number controlled both houses of Congress and strongly opposed Popular Action.

From this group, future president Alan García would rise as its main representative, alongside Carlos Roca Cáceres and Víctor Polay (the latter defecting from the party and forming the terrorist organization known as the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement in 1982).

At the moment of his death, several party leaders were present, including Luis Alberto Sánchez, Ramiro Prialé, Andrés Townsend, Javier Valle Riestra, Armando Villanueva, Carlos Roca Cáceres and Alan García.

[15] His casket was taken to the party headquarters and received by a huge crowd of supporters and followers, who accompanied the transfer of his remains from Lima to his hometown in Trujillo.

The work aims to show a concurrent Haya with a process of intellectual and political maturation; he further explains that during the period 1970–1990, the Apra "turned out to be more ideologically propelled by Juan Velasco Alvarado's legacy than Hayista.

"which would have led them to" adopt as their own nationalizations, the collectivist model in agriculture and the state management of trade in many services and goods ", which were concepts" totally alien to the ideology of Haya and his work dialectically".