Henry Stump

"[6] In 1855, the American Party won power in the Baltimore City Council, the General Assembly and the Maryland delegation to Congress.

[6] The American Party, representing nativist, anti-immigrant views, was associated with gangs such as the Plug Uglies which "practiced intimidation, assault, arson, and assassination.

"[7] In the midst of the political turmoil and violence, Plug-Ugly member Henry Gambrill was arrested and convicted for the murder of Baltimore police officer Benjamin Benton.

As Tracy Melton writes, [w]ithin a single month the city had seen raw intimidation prevent the holding of a free and fair election and the assassination of a member of the police force because of his testimony at the criminal court.

Violence was no longer merely an aspect of the rough culture on the city's streets, a friction in the transaction of daily affairs, entertainment for some, a nuisance for others, but only occasionally disruptive.

Reformers successfully lobbied for passage of the Baltimore Bills, laws that gave the state control over the city's police, militia volunteers, and juries and reduced crowds at polling places by subdividing each ward into four election precincts.

[12]"The election of George William Brown to mayor of Baltimore marked the beginning of the end of a long streak of political violence, perhaps unique in American history.

"Even if the police could be persuaded to arrest someone, the American judge of the criminal court, the notoriously corrupt and alcoholic Henry Stump, was likely to let them go.

[18]Stump's defense claimed that "the judgment extended in the Record, is nothing more than a technical amplification of the docket entry according to its legal meaning and effect.

"[18] In response, Phelps contended that the question is submitted to the court whether it is not, on the contrary, an ex gratia and unwarranted interpolation of matter of substance – an ex post facto clerical amendment of an incurable judicial blunder."

And furthermore, "the judgment in this case is not only a piece of arbitrary judicial usurpation, but inasmuch as it gratuitously deprives this negro of the protection of the laws just cited, the benefit of which is expressly secured to him by the 3rd Art.

More than a hint of Stump's sarcasm or perhaps disdain is evident when he writes: "Allow me to assure you (in order to tranquilize your nerves and satisfy your religious influences that Ford had as fair a trial as any man ever tried in this State or in the world."

Stump goes on to chide the Appeals Court: Let me beg you judges to consult the Governor, perhaps he will pardon or hang him without another trial, which I certainly never will give him, until I see your authority by Act of Assembly.

Witnesses against complained that the judge was frequently drunk and would occasionally fall asleep on the Bench; that he was late for Court and adjourned early; displayed vulgar behavior; erroneously passed judgments; and irresponsibly delegated tasks to clerks.

"He had refused to fine anyone more than once a year for violations of the Sunday liquor laws and had accepted straw bail from John Hinsley and other disreputable figures," writes Melton.

At one time I heard the judge, who had before him two women who had been fighting: it appeared that one of them called the other a 'whore,' he told them that if they came back again he would send them to jail where they could not whore any, and he repeated it two or three times in course language.His general bearing as a Judge was undignified, and upon one occasion during my term of service, the grand jury deemed it necessary to remonstrate with him and protest against his leniency towards the most notorious violators of the law, and his demeanor as a Judge was a matter of common remark and jest with the members of the grand jury.At the close of last September term, with eight murder cases, and over seventy assaults with intent to murder, pending and untried, whilst much under the influence of liquor, he continued them all to January term, refusing to sit any longer and try them.Within the past twelve months I do not remember to have seen him make a single note of the testimony, although some ten or twelve murder cases have been disposed of before him.The witnesses in his favor were as varied as to class and profession but most focused on saying they had not seen him drunk on the Bench during a specific period of time.

While conceding that their hearing did not constitute a criminal trial, their conclusion was that the state of facts "amount to such misbehavious in office, as requires immediate action.

"[25] The General Assembly acted upon the majority opinion and, upon approval by two-thirds of both houses, petitioned Governor Thomas Hicks for Stump's removal.

The governor responded to the General Assembly ordering Stump's removal from office as follows:[26] Executive Chamber, Annapolis, March 10, 1860.

I find myself compelled to accede to this request; and I now inform the General Assembly that, in pursuance of their address, I will remove Judge Stump from the Criminal Court of Baltimore.

The reference made by the gentleman from Allegany (Mr. Thruston) to the article on the judiciary does not remove the difficulty at all, because the words there are; precisely the same as those used in the hill (sic) of rights.

"[30] On April 19, 1861, when the Massachusetts Sixth Regiment marched through Baltimore en route to Washington, "more than 5,000 Baltimoreans took part in the attacks on Federal troops, which resulted in the deaths of 21 soldiers and civilians and more than 100 injuries.

Frank Towers writes, "[t]he ascendancy of Southern sympathizers in late April owed more to their control of the means of violence – as manifested in the actions of police, militia volunteers, and federal employees – than in did to a non-existent majority sentiment for secession.

"[32] Secession sentiment did exist in Baltimore (see image) although it was largely among wealthy merchants and slave owners worried about their economic well-being if Southern trade were cut off.

(118) "Long the targets of nativist politicians, some Irish workers allied with these wealthy Southern sympathizers rather than cast their lot with former enemies that now dominated the Union movement.

Being uncertain whether the mail will be sent on the road to day, I have conduced to answer briefly, to assure you that I am satisfied with the management you made to send Pauline to St. Innigoes Academy, but I was disappointed & vexed at the time.