Hispanic and Latino Americans in politics

State efforts to incorporate and exclude Latino populations also played a role in shaping current Hispanic politics, as noted by scholars Guillermo (2017),[11] de la Garza & DeSipio[12] (2019), and Montejano (1987).

However, recognizing that they faced similar types of political exclusion and neglect that set them apart from other immigrant and native populations during this time is both accurate and important in understanding shared experiences.

[12] This disregard was rooted in racism, manifesting itself in various institutional policies, regulations, and laws designed to exclude Mexicans—impacting generations within Mexican American families by denying certain opportunities afforded by U.S. citizenship despite legally residing within U.S.

[16] It called for recognition of Mexican Americans as full citizens, as well as the promotion of bilingual education, an end to police brutality, and more representation in politics (Rosales 1999, p. 80).

[17] Systemic discrimination can be seen through voting patterns between Latino/black populations which still existed as late as 2020,[16] highlighting an issue which must be addressed if the United States aims to decrease voter suppression tactics targeting minority groups.

Thus, it is essential[editorializing] to understand the barriers related to Latino civic engagement including: English proficiency, wage oppression, educational disparities, etc.

[22] The law primarily impacted African Americans as they were visibly disenfranchised from voting, but the act also helped remove barriers for Latino voters.

Founder William C. Velasquez, created the organization after realizing that language barriers remained for Latinos even after the Voting Rights Act of 1965 was passed.

However, the authors found that federal oversight alongside Section 203, ensured that adequately trained bilingual poll workers were present and that voting materials were translated.

[27] In "Translating into Votes: The Electoral Impacts of Spanish-Language Ballots" by Daniel J. Hopkins, it was found that the VRA of 1975 significantly increased Latino voter participation in California.

[31] The court found in Hernandez v. Texas that 11% of Jackson County's population was over the age of 21 and had Spanish surnames, however in the last 25 years, no person with a Latin American name, had served on a jury.

Because no Latino was chosen to serve on a jury among the 6,000 slots available in the last 25 years' worth of cases, the court stated it was a form of discrimination, whether it was or wasn't a conscious decision by Texas.

The court's decision favored Perry, which helped the Republican party win five congressional seats in Texas and ultimately gain control of Congress that following midterm election.

This was observed heavily in the 2012 election when the Republican Party expressed an anti-Latino and anti-immigration attitude, which in turn motivated Latinos to support the Democrats.

[52] Political scientist, Marisa A. Abrajano, found that these conservative positions is what drew Latinos to vote for George W. Bush in the 2004, presidential election.

[57] Christina Bejarano, a Political Scientist at Texas Woman's University, found that Latino men tend to hold on to their conservative values when they migrate, whereas Latinas become ideologically liberal as generations pass.

Eric Gonzalez Juenke, a Political Science researcher at Michigan State University, found that most conservative Latinos are not citizens, therefore they cannot vote and express their support to the Republican party through elections.

[71][72] His anti-immigration rhetoric emotionally angered Latinos, which created a pan-ethnic solidarity movement amongst them, driving them to the polls to vote against Trump during both elections.

A 2024 study proposes a counterintuitive explanation for this trend: due to the activation of dormant political dispositions, it is the very anti-immigration attitudes characterizing Trump that account for his ascendence among Latino voters.

[77] The paucity of Latinos in the political process is a consequence not only of social barriers, but also of structural impediments that hinder access to education, wealth and resources.

[citation needed] Multiple demographic hurdles, including language obstacles and voter registration impediments, often render Latinos underrepresented in the political process.

[79] Moreover, district lines are frequently drawn to favor non-Latino populations which only further curtails Latino engagement with candidates and understanding of critical matters.

In a study conducted by Political Scientists, Sergio I. Garcia-Rios and Matt A. Barreto, it was found that Univision and other Spanish language news outlets, created a pan ethnic identity amongst Latinos, which motivated them to vote in a historically large number in the 2012 presidential election.

Spanish news media influencers, such as Jorge Ramos, Maria Elena Salinas, and Pilar Marero, made frequent announcements to the Latino community, reporting the immigration issues that were at stake if they didn't vote.

[81] In another study, Swiss academic, Felix Oberholzer-Gee and American economist, Joel Waldfogel, tried to find whether general Spanish language television networks increase Latino voter turnout.

Cesar Conde former chief strategist for Univision, stated that the network is making it a priority to help inform and motivate Latinos about the political process.

Following their campaign announcement, the television network broadcast commercials, encouraging people to call the citizenship hotline, National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials (NALEO).

Co-ethnic voting among Latinos is driven by shared identity, cultural and linguistic connections, and a belief in the candidate's ability to represent the community's needs.

An August 2022 survey conducted by the Pew Research Center found that slightly more than half of Latino registered voters (53%)[66] said they would vote for or were leaning towards the Democratic candidate for the U.S. House of Representatives in their congressional district.

[66] Analyzing the Pew Research Center data on the midterm elections, slightly less than half of Latino/Hispanic registered voters (45%)[66] said they approved of how Biden has been handling his job as president.

The League of United Latin American Citizens, one of the oldest and largest Latino organizations in the United States, urges immigrants in the community to vote, in Des Moines, Iowa.
First page of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, signed on August 6, 1965, by President Lyndon Johnson
John Lewis Advancement Act was named after civil rights activist John Lewis
Donald Trump 2016 presidential rally, with "Latinos for Trump" posters
Cubans for Trump rally
DC Capital Pride
Washington DC- Latino Pride
Univision, Spanish television network, logo
Univision's voter registration campaign "Destiny 2016, the Latino vote" during the 2016 presidential election
The Univision parade float in Boston's 2016 Dominican Parade.
Latinos for Trump signs at day four of the 2016 RNC
Maxwell Frost
Robert Garcia
Marie Gluesenkamp Perez
Delia Catalina Ramirez
Andrea Salinas
Yadira Caraveo
Greg Casar
Rob Menendez Jr.
Gabriel Vasquez
Lori Chavez DeRemer
Juan Ciscomani
Monica De La Cruz
Anthony D'Esposito
Anna Paulina Luna
George Anthony Devolder Santos