Hiberno-English

Because of their sheer isolation, these dialects developed into later, now-extinct, English-related varieties, known as Yola in Wexford and Fingallian in Fingal, Dublin.

[12] The Tudor conquest and colonisation of Ireland in the 16th century led to a second wave of immigration by English speakers, along with the forced suppression and decline in the status and use of the Irish language.

Today, there is little more than one per cent of the population who speaks the Irish language natively,[14] though it is required to be taught in all state-funded schools.

The other is the intonation pattern of a slightly higher pitch followed by a significant drop in pitch on stressed long-vowel syllables (across multiple syllables or even within a single one),[24] which is popularly heard in rapid conversation, by speakers of other English dialects, as a noticeable kind of undulating "sing-song" pattern.

[27] The accent that most strongly uses the traditional working-class features has been labelled by the linguist Raymond Hickey as "local Dublin English".

It is spoken by middle- and upper-class natives of Dublin and the greater eastern Irish region surrounding the city.

Most speakers born in the 1980s or later are showing fewer features of this late-twentieth-century mainstream supraregional form and more characteristics aligning to a rapidly-spreading advanced Dublin accent.

[38] ^3 Due to the phenomenon of "vowel breaking" in local Dublin accents, /iː/ and /uː/ may be realised as [ijə] and [ʊuwə] in closed syllables.

Other notes: The following diphthongs are defining characteristics of Irish English: Footnotes: ^1 Due to the phenomenon of "vowel breaking" local Dublin accents, /aɪ/ and /aʊ/ may be realised as [əjə] and [ɛwə] in closed syllables.

The following consonant features are defining characteristics of Hiberno-English: Footnotes: ^1 In traditional, conservative Ulster English, /k/ and /ɡ/ are palatalised before an open front vowel.

[44] ^2 Local Dublin features consonant cluster reduction, so that plosives occurring after fricatives or sonorants may be left unpronounced, resulting, for example, in "poun(d)" and "las(t)".

[38] ^3 In extremely traditional and conservative accents (e.g. Mícheál Ó Muircheartaigh and Jackie Healy-Rae), prevocalic /r/ can also be an alveolar flap, [ɾ].

^3 The NURSE mergers have not occurred in local Dublin, West/South-West, and other very conservative and traditional Irish English dialects, including in Ulster, all of which retain a two-way distinction between /ɛr/ as in earn versus /ʊr/ as in urn.

For instance, in the case of non-local Dublin, supraregional, and younger Irish accents, the merged sequence is phonetically [ɚː].

[48] There are apparent exceptions to these rules; John C. Wells describes prefer and per as /ɛr/, despite the vowel in question following a labial in both cases.

^4 In a rare few local Dublin varieties that are non-rhotic, /ər/ is either lowered to [ɐ] or backed and raised to [ɤ].

Less formally, people also use loan words in day-to-day speech, although this has been on the wane in recent decades and among the young.

Various aspects of Irish syntax have influenced Hiberno-English, though many of these idiosyncrasies are disappearing in suburban areas and among the younger population.

Hiberno-English uses "yes" and "no" less frequently than other English dialects as speakers can repeat the verb, positively or negatively, instead of (or in redundant addition to) using "yes" or "no".

A similar construction is seen where exclamation is used in describing a recent event: When describing less astonishing or significant events, a structure resembling the German perfect can be seen: This correlates with an analysis of "H1 Irish" proposed by Adger & Mitrovic,[131] in a deliberate parallel to the status of German as a V2 language.

Recent past construction has been directly adopted into Newfoundland English, where it is common in both formal and casual register.

In rural areas of the Avalon peninsula, where Newfoundland Irish was spoken until the early 20th century, it is the grammatical standard for describing whether or not an action has occurred.

Both forms are used with the verbal noun (equivalent to the English present participle) to create compound tenses.

In this form, the verb "to be" in English is similar to its use in Irish, with a "does be/do be" (or "bees", although less frequently) construction to indicate the continuous, or habitual, present: In old-fashioned usage, "it is" can be freely abbreviated 'tis, even as a standalone sentence.

In addition, in some areas in Leinster, north Connacht and parts of Ulster, the hybrid word ye-s, pronounced "yiz", may be used.

Another usage familiar from Shakespeare is the inclusion of the second person pronoun after the imperative form of a verb, as in "Wife, go you to her ere you go to bed" (Romeo and Juliet, Act III, Scene IV).

Now is often used at the end of sentences or phrases as a semantically empty word, completing an utterance without contributing any apparent meaning.

So is often used for emphasis ("I can speak Irish, so I can"), or it may be tacked onto the end of a sentence to indicate agreement, where "then" would often be used in Standard English ("Bye so", "Let's go so", "That's fine so", "We'll do that so").

The practice of indicating emphasis with so and including reduplicating the sentence's subject pronoun and auxiliary verb (is, are, have, has, can, etc.)

Once is sometimes used in a different way from how it is used in other dialects; in this usage, it indicates a combination of logical and causal conditionality: "I have no problem laughing at myself once the joke is funny."