[7] Pascual's brother and Jesús' father, Francisco Javier Comín Moya (1857-1932), has not occupied major posts in the party, engaging rather in local Catholic periodicals like El Noticiero.
[13] In 1920[14] Jesús Comín Sagüés married a Catalan, María Pilar Ros Martínez (1896–1973);[15] the couple had seven children,[16] brought up in fervently Catholic ambience.
He gained recognition for theoretical attempt to merge militant Communism with Christianity, dubbed cristiano-marxismo; political prisoner in the Francoist Spain, he was one of the PSUC and PCE leaders.
[39] Born and raised in the iconic Carlist Aragón dynasty, Jesús was from his childhood growing accustomed to regional and national party leaders visiting his family home.
Jesús career in the party ranks was boosted when his uncle assumed leadership of Comunión Católico-Monárquica; the same year he entered Comité de Acción Jaimista, a loyalist body working to mobilize support for the pretender.
[42] In 1919 Comín took part in works of the grand Jaimista reunion named Junta Magna de Biarritz, an assembly intended to provide the movement with a new momentum following the Mellista breakup.
[49] Some authors claim that during dictablanda he was not adverse towards the new military regime and tentatively agreed to take part in "organized" elections for the Cortes, planned for 1931; he would stand in Daroca again.
In June 1931 he contributed to reformatting of Requeté from a self-defense militia to a paramilitary formation;[51] more importantly, in the autumn of that year and with a group of senior Carlist leaders he took part in preliminary talks with the Alfonsist politicians, intended as preparations for a would-be dynastical agreement.
[62] Member of 3 committees,[63] he tended to focus on Aragon rather than on nationwide problems, rising questions of flood damages, regulation of the Ebro[64] or underused railway hub in Canfranc.
[65] Apart from the Left, which grudgingly acknowledged his harsh harangues against the Anarchist 1933 uprising[66] and the 1934 Asturian revolution,[67] he gained enemies also among the Republicans, enraged by Comín's onslaught on FUE[68] and masonry,[69] and among CEDA, as he repeatedly clashed with Serrano Suñer over local self-government regime[70] and attacked the Lerroux government.
[76] The same year he grew to regional Aragón jefe,[77] presided over dynamic growth of the provincial organization[78] and emerged among most active party propagandists, attending Traditionalists feasts from Poblet in Catalonia[79] to Quintillo in Andalusia.
[86] The Carlist militiamen helped to overwhelm pockets of workers' resistance in the city, overran the surrounding province and met the Anarchist column advancing from Barcelona some 22 km East of the Aragon capital.
[89] Following the seizure of Zaragoza Comín played a politically vital role, transforming the Aragon insurgency from defense of the Republic against anarchy, as Cabanellas would have had it, into a monarchist, ultra-conservative and fanatically Catholic crusade.
[90] Under his command the Carlists were tearing down republican flags and replacing them with monarchist banners; he personally introduced Virgen del Pilar painting into the ayuntamiento hall,[91] while the city elated in religious celebrations.
[95] He spent December 1936 in line on the Madrid front,[96] though it is not known what was his unit at the time;[97] also later on he served in the frontline troops on the on and off basis, present among soldiers entering Teruel when re-taken by the Nationalists in early 1938.
[100] Comín did not enter the Carlist wartime executive and is neither listed as taking part in key Traditionalist meetings, intended to discuss the threat of looming amalgamation into a state party.
[101] Personally he remained on good terms with local Falange;[102] this caused anxiety of the Falangist leader, Manuel Hedilla, who fired his Zaragoza chief due to his too friendly relations with the Requetés.
[110] His zeal earned him also some ridicule on part of the hostile press, which did not miss the opportunity to quote him declare in excitement that "yo soy Jesús Comín, y les doy mi nombre porque cuando digo una cosa me gusta responder de ella", drawing mocking comparisons to Neron or Napoleon.
The author of a triumphant press note claimed that 99,9% of the passers-by had no idea who Jesús Comín was, but he still made the point of underlining that such a figure of "untold reactionary" and a "Tejero of 1936" should be kept in oblivion.