His first cousin once removed,[26] Carlos Sentís, gained nationwide recognition as a Francoist journalist, in the late 1970s serving as Cortes deputy of UCD and acting in Catalanism, another one was vice-president of CF Barcelona in the 1960s.

[36] When the Republic was declared Sentís remained capitán; the new military administration did not have much trust in his loyalty, especially that he did not make a secret of his Carlist, ultra-Right outlook.

[47] On July 18 their plan turned into a failure; despite significant strength of local requetés in Tarragona,[48] poor communication among the conspirators[49] and dilatory stand of the military[50] led to their passive, wait-and-see policy.

Once it became clear that in Catalonia the coup failed, Sentís first went into hiding and then having obtained false French ID papers left Barcelona on an Italian ship.

At the time the Tercio was stationed near Zaragoza, being brought back to strength following decimation suffered during the battle of Codo; Sentís spent just 2 months heading the battalion and did not lead it in combat; in November 1937 he was reassigned to administration duties.

[53] Apparently fully compliant with if not enthusiastic about a Carlist-Falangist unification into a new state party, already in mid-1937 he co-drafted a scheme for personal appointments in Catalonia, to be effectuated once the region is conquered; the plan supposedly reached Franco.

[69] His most lasting achievement was foundation of the Nueva Alcarria weekly;[70] attempts to bring Academía de Ingenieros back to Guadalajara failed, his efforts crowned only with temporary location of the Infantry Academy in the city.

[97] Since mid-1940s Sentís performed managerial role in Cámaras Agricolas Pro-Guinea del Café,[98] an organization set during early Francoism to step up exploitation of Spanish Guinea.

[100] The Pro-Guinea job was very advantageous financially; when it became incompatible with his military assignments, in mid-1950s Sentís preferred to ask for early retirement from the army rather than to resign his Guinea link.

[106] In the aftermath of 1942 Carlist-Falangist clashes at Begoña he allegedly penned an anti-Falangist leaflet[107] and was counted among Falcondistas, the intransigent backbone of increasingly bewildered movement.

[108] Indeed, in the late 1940s and early 1950s[109] Sentís' Traditionalism seemed watered-down[110] or reduced to private;[111] as officer in active military service, he was hardly in position to engage in politics flavored with opposition to the regime.

[112] In 1957, already retired, he allegedly pondered upon joining the so-called Estorilos, the Carlists who recognized Don Juan as the legitimate king, but re-considered at the last minute.

At unspecified time though most likely in the late 1950s Sentís engaged in labors of Comunión Tradicionalista, mainstream Carlist organization professing Don Javier as a king.

[120] However, when later that year and enraged by increasing Hugocarlista influence Zamanillo handed his resignation from the post of Secretario General,[121] effectively position number 2 within the party structures, Sentís accepted nomination to his successor.

[126] However, the Hugocarlista strategy employed in their bid for control in the organization relied on constant structural changes, with new bodies being created in order to dilute power.

A new scheme, effective since 1963, confirmed Sentís as general secretary but tended to relegate Traditionalists to prestigious position of little power[127] and put followers of the prince on key behind-the-stage jobs.

[133] Indeed, in 1964 Sentís contributed to public image campaigns promoting Carlos Hugo and his wife Irene,[134] inadvertently strengthening the Hugocarlistas at the expense of Valiente and the Traditionalists.

During informal talks with the head of Falange Solís the Hugocarlistas suggested that Sentís be appointed to the Cortes;[135] indeed in 1964 he was nominated member of Consejo Nacional del Movimiento,[136] which ensured a 3-year-term in the parliament.

Later that year chief architects of Hugocarlista bid were replaced with new, even more radical leaders, who decided to abandon the initial caution and launch an open progressist campaign.

Though Valiente and Sentís were dubbed "jefes nacionales carlistas", in fact it was Carlos Hugo and his entourage who were pulling the strings;[138] they considered the time ripe for purging the party executive from the Traditionalists.

[140] The claimant addressed Sentís with an effusive letter, thanking him for great contribution and vaguely suggesting the need to make room for the young;[141] this was also the line advanced by the Hugocarlistas themselves.

[145] In 1966 the governing structures of Comunión were already purged of the Traditionalists[146] and José María Valiente remained virtually isolated in command layer, dominated by the Hugocarlistas.

[148] In the public realm Sentís was enjoying the status of a noble veteran; apart from receiving other honors,[149] in 1966 Franco conferred upon him Grand Cruz del Mérito Civil[150] and related homages were organized accordingly in Riudoms.

[151] However, when his Cortes term expired in 1967 it was not prolonged; deprived of his deputy mandate and not holding any posts within the regime, Sentís was no longer needed by the Progressists within Comunión Tradicionalista.

In 1971, upon reorganization of the regional Catalan Partido Carlista junta, he became its honorary president;[153] oddly enough, at the same time he was in public proudly confirming his unconditional adhesion to Franco.

He might have been involved in attempts to launch a competitive Carlist organisation based on requeté ex-combatant structures and some even suggested that he becomes its jefe,[155] yet it is not confirmed that the project was agreed with him.

[156] In the mid-1970 he limited himself to cultivating his Guadalajara link - featured especially in the weekly he co-founded, Nueva Alcarria[157] - and to supporting financially educational, cultural and religious initiatives in Riudoms.

In 2011 Esquerra Republicana councillors demanded that the decision is reversed; they claimed that the nomination was incompatible with Ley de la Memoria Histórica and that as head of prisons, Sentís was responsible for brutal Francoist repression.