[10]On mobilization on the eve of the First Balkan War, Kimon Georgiev became commander of the 2nd Company of the 27th Chepinski Infantry Regiment in Pazardzhik, which was shortly afterwards transferred to the frontier at Ladzhene.
Georgiev's company was among the units that captured Predela and moved briefly into the Struma Valley, supporting the advance of the Seventh Rila Infantry Division, then returned via Bansko and continued south through Breznitsa, Nevrokop, Sadovo and Banitsa to Serres.
During the following days it was subjected to intense artillery shelling and repeated attacks by Entente forces, with Georgiev proving to be an effective field officer, holding off the enemy on the opposite bank of the Cherna.
[28] After leaving the cabinet, Georgiev was among the members of the internal opposition in the Sgora, grouped around the newspaper "Luch" edited by Petar Todorov, which is why its representatives are often called racists.
A split occurred within the Radiationist group itself in 1930, when three of its members, including Aleksander Tsankov, were given cabinet seats, and the more extreme opponents, led by Kimon Georgiev, continued to criticize the government.
Over the next two years, the Sofia Military Field Court dealt with dozens of cases of murders, kidnappings and racketeering committed by IMRO activists in southwestern Bulgaria.
[41] The government made changes in foreign policy, in which it advocated continuity with the previous cabinets, strengthening good relations with neighbouring countries, which had concluded the Balkan Pact at the beginning of the year.
The government's readiness to disband the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) was demonstrated by its proclamation of the "reéstablishment of the public authority over the entire extent of the territory."
[53] After the parliament was formed, it had to approve the post-coup ordinance-laws, and during the debates the opposition, and especially Dimitar Gichev, harshly criticized Zveno, the Military Union, and Kimon Georgiev personally for their actions after the coup.
In March 1939, he published the pamphlet A View of Our Foreign Policy Situation (the first book of the Brazdy Library), in which he acknowledged Bulgaria's "indisputable rights", but expressed fears of possible international isolation and advocated the preservation of the Bulgarian-Yugoslav Pact of 1937.
[55] Immediately after the start of World War II, Kimon Georgiev sent a letter to Prime Minister Georgi Kyoseivanov, advocating rapprochement with the Soviet Union.
During the changes in government in October 1939, Georgiev was received at a two-hour meeting by Tsar Boris III, with whom he discussed the political situation and tried unsuccessfully to secure the release of Damyan Velchev and the other convicted activists of the Military Union.
He also expressed this position in a long letter to Prime Minister Bogdan Filov on 11 February, but shortly afterwards the country joined the Tripartite Pact and allowed German troops into Greece.
[58] The anti-fascist Zveno members, especially its prominent representative Kimon Georgiev, were reached out to by the Bulgarian Communist Party, which began collaborating with them to free the nation from the fascist tyranny.
[59][60] After the death of Tsar Boris III on 28 August 1943, Kimon Georgiev was among the opposition politicians with whom Prime Minister Bogdan Filov held consultations about the emerging crisis.
On 1 September, Georgiev was among the ten opposition figures who signed a joint declaration to implement the Tarnovo Constitution and convene a Grand National Assembly to elect regents.
The Communists tried not to take a public position on the issue, as the Soviet Union was committed to restoring pre-war borders, and Georgi Dimitrov did not rule out the possibility of a Balkan federation including Bulgaria.
[62] At the beginning of 1944, Kimon Georgiev and Petko Stainov, a deputy close to Zveno, attempted to coordinate joint actions of the opposition parties, including those outside the Fatherland Front.
Georgiev prepared an address to the government and parliament calling for the restoration of neutrality, the return of occupation troops from Yugoslavia and Greece to Bulgaria, and improved relations with the Soviet Union.
It is to be discussed and signed by leaders of various opposition groups on 11 January, but heavy bombing the day before prevents the meeting and Kimon Georgiev sends the address on his own behalf.
[67] Following the failure of General Ivan Marinov's attempt to peacefully change the government, a narrowed-down National Committee of the Fatherland Front decided to carry out a military coup at a meeting at the home of Kimon Georgiev on 7 September.
[68] On the morning of 8 September, representatives of the Fatherland Front - Kimon Georgiev, Nikola Petkov, Dimitar Neykov, Kiril Dramaliev and Dimo Kazasov - met with the Prime Minister, protesting the dispersal of opposition demonstrations in the previous days and demanding that rallies be allowed in the major cities.
[71] Georgiev spent the night of the coup with Damyan Velchev, Nikola Petkov, and Traicho Dobroslavsky at the home of Yanko Antonov near the Eagles Bridge - he was a neighbor of Peter Vranchev, in whose apartment the Communist leaders - Dobri Terpeshev, Anton Yugov, Georgi Chankov, Angel Tsanev, and Katya Avramova were at the time.
[79] On 3 December, at the suggestion of Damyan Velchev, the Council of Ministers passed a decree enabling the military officers charged under the People's Court Act to go to the front and, if they showed bravery, be discharged.
[84] In this environment, in June, Kimon Georgiev and Damyan Velchev met with Traicho Kostov and received assurances about the preservation of the Fatherland Front as a multi-party coalition, as well as for its own positions in the government.
On Stalin's instructions on 5 January 1946, Kimon Georgiev, Damyan Velchev and Anton Yugov met with opposition leaders Nikola Petkov and Kosta Lulchev, but they flatly refused to enter the government, rejecting the legitimacy of the elections and demanding an end to the Communists' terror.
On 2 August, Kimon Georgiev agreed to the removal of his close associates Kiril Stanchev (arrested and convicted in a show trial) and Damyan Velchev (effectively replaced as minister by Krum Lekarski and interned).
While the Communists obtained an absolute majority in the parliament, the People's Union Zveno had an extremely poor result of about 70,000 votes, and its leaders, including Georgiev himself, became deputies only thanks to the common list of the Fatherland Front.
In the second government of Georgi Dimitrov of 12 December 1947 he was removed from the Foreign Ministry and became Minister of Electrification and Land Reclamation, remaining in this post until 1959, after which he briefly served as Chairman of the Committee on Construction and Architecture.
Those closest to the communists, the Zveno activists, such as Traicho Dobroslavsky, Trifon Trifonov, and Kiril Shterev, demanded a public stand against the disgraced Damyan Velchev, Vasil Yurukov, and Petko Stainov.