Wan Muhamad Noor Matha (PCC) Pichet Chuamuangphan (PTP) Paradorn Prissanananthakul (BTP) Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut (PP)

Although the current Chakri dynasty was created in 1782, the existence of the institution of monarchy in Thailand is traditionally considered to have its roots in the founding of the Sukhothai Kingdom in 1238, with a brief interregnum from the death of Ekkathat to the accession of Taksin in the 18th century.

The king of Thailand is head of state, Highest Commander of the Royal Thai Armed Forces, adherent of Buddhism and upholder of religions.

Ayutthaya historical documents show the official titles of the kings in great variation: Indra, Shiva and Vishnu, or Rama.

The king, portrayed by state interests as a semi-divine figure, then became—through a rigid cultural implementation—an object of worship and veneration to his people.

For four centuries these kings ruled Ayutthaya, presiding over some of the greatest period of cultural, economic, and military growth in Thai history.

[7] Rachasap is required by court etiquette as an honorific register consisting of a special vocabulary used exclusively for addressing the king, or for talking about royalty.

However, in Siamese tradition the duty and responsibility of the king was seen as developed from the ancient Indian theories of royal authority, which resemble Enlightened Absolutism, although the emphasis is not on rationality but on Dhamma.

[8] This was disrupted in 1767, when Thai digests of the dhammasāt (ธรรมศาสตร์) were lost when a Burmese army under the Konbaung dynasty invaded, sacked and burned the city of Ayutthaya.

An interlude filled by a short civil war was ended when Taksin restored the country under what has been called the Thonburi Kingdom.

Taksin treated the concept of kingship by abandoning the shroud of mysticism usually adopted by many Ayutthayan monarchs; he often revealed himself to the common folk by partaking in public activities and traditional festivities.

During the Rattanakosin period the Chakri kings tried to continue the concepts of Ayutthayan kingship once again emphasizing the connection between the sovereign and his subjects.

[10] Mongkut (Rama IV) marked a significant break in tradition when he spent the first 27 years of his adult life as a Buddhist monk during which time he became proficient in the English language, before ascending the throne.

His son, Vajiravudh (Rama VI), ascended to the throne in 1910 and continued his father's zeal for reform to bring the monarchy into the 20th century.

In 1914, Vajiravudh determined that the act providing for invoking martial law, first promulgated by his father in 1907, was not consistent with modern laws of war, nor convenient for the preservation of the security of the state, so it was amended to a more modern form that, with minor amendments, continued in force through subsequent changes in government.

The Eton and Sandhurst educated monarch created a council similar to a cabinet, where the most important government officials could meet to decide state affairs.

In June 1932, a group of foreign-educated students and military men called "the promoters" carried out a bloodless revolution, seized power and demanded that King Prajadhipok grant the people of Siam a constitution.

In establishing his rule, the king was aided by the efforts of the US government, who used the monarchy as a bulwark against communist gains in Southeast Asia.

[16] Since 2000, the role of the Thai monarchy has been increasingly challenged by scholars, students, media, observers and traditionalists, and as pro-democracy interests began to express their speech.

"[23] The Thai activist and magazine editor Somyot Prueksakasemsuk, who was sentenced to eleven years' imprisonment for a violation of lèse-majesté laws in 2013,[24] is a designated prisoner of conscience by Amnesty International.

In accordance with the country’s constitution, the king is no longer the originator of all laws in the kingdom; that prerogative is entrusted to the National Assembly of Thailand.

[27][28] In 2015, it spent US$540 million, more than the budget of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, on a promotional campaign called "Worship, protect and uphold the monarchy."

The campaign includes television commercials, seminars in schools and prisons, singing contests, and competitions to write stories and films praising the king.