Korean shamanism

More positive appraisal of the mudang occurred in South Korea from the late 1970s onward, especially as practitioners were associated with the minjung pro-democracy movement and came to be regarded as a source of Korean cultural identity.

[34] They are deemed capable of manifesting in material forms, as in paintings or statues,[77] or as inhabiting landscape locations such as trees, rocks, springs, and stone piles.

[86] Popular cosmological deities include Ch'ilsŏng, the spirit of the seven stars of the Big Dipper, who is regarded as a merciful Buddhist figure that cares for children.

[103] Pollution caused by births or deaths in the household are believed to result in Sŏngju leaving, meaning that he must be encouraged to return through ritual.

[139] To succeed financially, mudang must attract regular clientele,[140] and to that end modern South Korean practitioners have advertised their services in brochures, fliers, newspapers, and on the Internet.

[141] Some followers of musok are unhappy with this situation, believing that the practice has degenerated under capitalism and modernisation; they feel that modern mudang display a more materialistic and self-interested approach than their historical predecessors.

[179] The mudang then uses divination and trance visions to determine the source of their client's trouble;[180] in musok, neglecting ancestors and gods is seen as the primary cause of affliction.

[190] Shrines might alternatively be found outdoors, often incorporating a stone or old tree,[187] while a mudang will often establish a temporary altar in a client's home.

[187] While each altar often has its own idiosyncratic elements,[191] they are typically dominated by bright, primary colors, in contrast to the muted earth tones traditionally predominant in Korean daily life.

[206] Alternatively, deities may be represented by a white piece of paper, the kŭlbal or kŭlmun, onto which the entity's name is written in black or red ink.

[214] Historical accounts often reference the presence of earthen jars (tok, hangari, tanji) filled with grain, or smaller baskets or pouches, as offerings to household deities and ancestors.

[162] Other staff based there may include musicians called chaebi,[230] cooks who prepare food for gut rituals,[220] and a maid, the kongyangju, who is a trainee mudang yet to undergo their initiation rite.

[256] As well as paying for the mudang's time, the fee also covers the wages of any assistants and the costs of material used in the rite;[94] it may also reflect the years of training they have undertaken to be able to perform these rituals.

[261] Often it will take place outdoors and at night, in an isolated rural location,[262] at a guttang shrine rented for the occasion,[263] or in a private home,[264] either that of the mudang,[265] or that of their client.

[75] In Taejŏn City and Ch'ungch'ŏng province, a traditional practice involves decorating the ritual space with handmade mulberry paper cut into patterns.

[282] Offered alongside the food will often be alcoholic drinks, typically soju,[283] as well as non-food items like incense, cloth, money (both real and imitation), and paper flowers.

[321] Riding knives is termed jakdugeori and involves the mudang walking barefoot on the upturned blade of the knife, sometimes while speaking in gongsu, or possessed speech.

[322] Practitioners claim that it is the spirits that prevent the mudang from being cut by the blade,[323] and the ability to undertake such dangerous acts without harm is regarded as evidence for the efficacy of the rite.

[337] Towards the end of the gut, wandering spirits that may have gathered are expelled,[338] talismans may be distributed to attendees,[339] and finally the mudang will remove their ceremonial clothing.

[340][clarification needed] Female mudang may show an interest in smoking, drinking alcohol, and playing with bladed weapons, reflecting that they have a male monjusin.

[156] In the early 1990s, for example, a feminist group in Seoul sponsored several mudang to perform a gut ritual for the aggrieved souls of Korean "comfort women".

[14] Performed in museums or at city festivals, these gut often take place on raised stages surrounded by a seated audience,[355] typically attracting journalists, scholars, and photographers.

[384] Detailed accounts of mudang rituals prior to the modern period are rare,[385] and the fact that the tradition is orally transmitted means it is difficult to trace historical processes.

[203] This migration meant that by the early 21st century, kangsin-mu were increasingly dominant in areas like Jeju where sesŭp-mu historically predominated, generating rivalry between the two traditions.

[430] South Korean leader Syngman Rhee launched the Sin Saenghwal Undong ("New Life Movement") which destroyed many village shrines.

[431] This policy continued as the Saemaul Undong ("New Community Movement") of his successor, Park Chung Hee, which led to a surge in the police suppression of mudang during the 1970s.

[431] The popularization of folklore studies in the 1970s resulted in the notion of musok as Korea's ancient tradition gaining acceptance among growing numbers of educated South Koreans.

[440] Advocacy groups were also formed to advance the cause of the mu,[441] keen to present the tradition as lying at the heart of Korean culture,[441] while the 1980s also saw mudang begin to write books about themselves.

[476] From the mid-2000s, films increasingly portrayed them as members of a living tradition situated in modern urban environments, as in Ch'ŏngham Posal (2009) and Paksu Kŏndal (2013).

[478] Korean artists who have cited musok rituals as an influence on their work include Nam June Paik, who recreated an exorcism gut for several performances from the late 1970s.