Korean shamanism

More positive appraisal of the mudang occurred in South Korea from the late 1970s onward, especially as practitioners were associated with the minjung pro-democracy movement and came to be regarded as a source of Korean cultural identity.

[34] They are deemed capable of manifesting in material forms, as in paintings or statues,[77] or as inhabiting landscape locations such as trees, rocks, springs, and stone piles.

[86] Popular cosmological deities include Ch'ilsŏng, the spirit of the seven stars of the Big Dipper, who is regarded as a merciful Buddhist figure that cares for children.

[103] Pollution caused by births or deaths in the household are believed to result in Sŏngju leaving, meaning that he must be encouraged to return through ritual.

[139] To succeed financially, mudang must attract regular clientele,[140] and to that end modern South Korean practitioners have advertised their services in brochures, fliers, newspapers, and on the Internet.

[141] Some followers of musok are unhappy with this situation, believing that the practice has degenerated under capitalism and modernisation; they feel that modern mudang display a more materialistic and self-interested approach than their historical predecessors.

[179] The mudang then uses divination and trance visions to determine the source of their client's trouble;[180] in musok, neglecting ancestors and gods is seen as the primary cause of affliction.

[187] While each altar often has its own idiosyncratic elements,[191] they are typically dominated by bright, primary colors, in contrast to the muted earth tones traditionally predominant in Korean daily life.

[206] Alternatively, deities may be represented by a white piece of paper, the kŭlbal or kŭlmun, onto which the entity's name is written in black or red ink.

[214] Historical accounts often reference the presence of earthen jars (tok, hangari, tanji) filled with grain, or smaller baskets or pouches, as offerings to household deities and ancestors.

[162] Other staff based there may include musicians called chaebi,[230] cooks who prepare food for gut rituals,[220] and a maid, the kongyangju, who is a trainee mudang yet to undergo their initiation rite.

[256] As well as paying for the mudang's time, the fee also covers the wages of any assistants and the costs of material used in the rite;[94] it may also reflect the years of training they have undertaken to be able to perform these rituals.

[261] Often it will take place outdoors and at night, in an isolated rural location,[262] at a guttang shrine rented for the occasion,[263] or in a private home,[264] either that of the mudang,[265] or that of their client.

[75] In Taejŏn City and Ch'ungch'ŏng province, a traditional practice involves decorating the ritual space with handmade mulberry paper cut into patterns.

[282] Offered alongside the food will often be alcoholic drinks, typically soju,[283] as well as non-food items like incense, cloth, money (both real and imitation), and paper flowers.

[321] Riding knives is termed jakdugeori and involves the mudang walking barefoot on the upturned blade of the knife, sometimes while speaking in gongsu, or possessed speech.

[322] Practitioners claim that it is the spirits that prevent the mudang from being cut by the blade,[323] and the ability to undertake such dangerous acts without harm is regarded as evidence for the efficacy of the rite.

[337] Towards the end of the gut, wandering spirits that may have gathered are expelled,[338] talismans may be distributed to attendees,[339] and finally the mudang will remove their ceremonial clothing.

[340][clarification needed] Female mudang may show an interest in smoking, drinking alcohol, and playing with bladed weapons, reflecting that they have a male monjusin.

[156] In the early 1990s, for example, a feminist group in Seoul sponsored several mudang to perform a gut ritual for the aggrieved souls of Korean "comfort women".

[14] Performed in museums or at city festivals, these gut often take place on raised stages surrounded by a seated audience,[355] typically attracting journalists, scholars, and photographers.

[358] They often involve folklorists or other scholars who explain the ritual to the audience,[359] while the participants will often be dressed in a common uniform, something not found in private gut.

[384] Detailed accounts of mudang rituals prior to the modern period are rare,[385] and the fact that the tradition is orally transmitted means it is difficult to trace historical processes.

"Historically, Korean Shamanism (Musok) was an orally transmitted tradition that was mastered mainly by illiterate low-ranking women within the neo-Confucian hierarchy.

[203] This migration meant that by the early 21st century, kangsin-mu were increasingly dominant in areas like Jeju where sesŭp-mu historically predominated, generating rivalry between the two traditions.

[430] South Korean leader Syngman Rhee launched the Sin Saenghwal Undong ("New Life Movement") which destroyed many village shrines.

[431] This policy continued as the Saemaul Undong ("New Community Movement") of his successor, Park Chung Hee, which led to a surge in the police suppression of mudang during the 1970s.

[431] The popularization of folklore studies in the 1970s resulted in the notion of musok as Korea's ancient tradition gaining acceptance among growing numbers of educated South Koreans.

[440] Advocacy groups were also formed to advance the cause of the mu,[441] keen to present the tradition as lying at the heart of Korean culture,[441] while the 1980s also saw mudang begin to write books about themselves.

[478] Korean artists who have cited musok rituals as an influence on their work include Nam June Paik, who recreated an exorcism gut for several performances from the late 1970s.