Matsés, also referred to as Mayoruna in Brazil, is an Indigenous language utilized by the inhabitants of the border regions of Brazil-Peru.

A term that hailed from Quechua origin, Mayoruna translates in English to mayu = river; runa = people.

Colonizers and missionaries during the 17th century used this term to refer to the Indigenous peoples that occupied the lower Ucayali Region (Amazonian region of Peru), Upper Solimões (upper stretches of the Amazon River in Brazil) and Vale do Javari (largest Indigenous territories in Brazil that border Peru) (De Almeida Matos, 2003).

[5] In Brazil, the Matsés inhabit the Vale do Javari Indigenous Territory (IT) that covers 8,519,800 hectares of land.

The Instituto Socioambiental states: "Only those people who have worked or studied in the surrounding Peruvian or Brazilian towns speak Portuguese or Spanish fluently."

[6] The origin of the Matsés population is directly related to the merger of various Indigenous communities that did not always speak mutually intelligible languages.

The incentive for these attacks involved the massacre of that particular Pano group's Indigenous men, so that their women and children became powerless due to lack of protection.

This resulted in intensified warfare, and successful Matsés attacks meant that they were able to recover their people, along with firearms and metal tools.

By the 1950s, the wave of rubber tappers fizzled and was later replaced by "logging activity and the trade in forest game and skins, mainly to supply the towns of Peruvian Amazonia.

The lack of organization and distribution of appropriate vaccinations, medication and prevention methods has resulted in high levels of deaths among the Matsés.

These people now fear falling ill, and do not receive clear information as to what caused the symptoms of their deceased kin.

The state education secretary for the Amazons has been formally running a training course, but lack of organization means that the classes are offered only sporadically (De Almeida Matos, 2003).

Presently, only two Matsés schools exist in the "Flores and Três José villages" constructed by the Atalaia do Norte municipal council.

[9] A Pano-Takana bibliography written by Chavarría Mendoza in 1983 is outdated but still has relevant and interesting information about some linguistic and anthropological works on the Matsés.

Kneeland (1979) has developed an extensive modern lexicon for Matsés which includes approximately an 800-word Matsés-Spanish glossary, along with some sample sentences.

This organization has a mark of its identity with the Indigenous people that way they can effectively contribute to having control of their territories, clarifying the role of the State and protecting and guaranteeing their constitutional rights.

This organization operates on the Indigenous Lands located in the Amazon, Cerrado and Atlantic Forest Biomes (Centro de Trabalgo Indigenista, 2011).

The Socio-Environmental Institute (ISA) that was founded on April 22, 1994, is an organization of Civil Society of Public Interest by people with training and experience in the fight for environmental and social rights.

The ISA is in charge of research and various studies, they implement projects and programs that promote social and environmental sustainability as well as valuing cultural and biological diversity of the country.

The board of directors of this organization include Neide Esterci, Marina Kahn, Ana Valéria Araújo, Anthony Gross, and Jurandir Craveiro Jr (Centro de Trabalgo Indigenista, 2011).

Works by Erikson (1990a, 1992a, and 2001) are all useful published ethnographic studies about the Matis in Brazil, which are relevant to the description of the Mayoruna subgroup, but lacking specific data on the Matsés.

What helps identify the nuclear word, is when it involves the use of free morphemes within the phrase, also if it occurs alone without other phonologically attached material.

Pronouns in this language are not distinguished by number, gender, social status or personal relations between the participants in the discourse.

'[20]Inflection is the change in the form of a word, usually by adding a suffix to the ending, which would mark distinctions such as tense, number, gender, mood, person, voice and case.

In the reading A Grammar of Matsés by David Fleck, he uses the term "derivational" to refer to only meaning-changing and valence-changing morphology.

[22] There was a generalization put forth by Payne (1990) stating that in lowland South American languages, all cases of reduplication is iconic.

[23] This means that it is indicating imperfective action, greater intensity, progressive aspect, iterative, plurality, or onomatopoeia of repeated sounds.

[26] Non-absolutive nominals are marked in one of the three following ways i) case-marking ii) phonologically independent, directly following postposition word or iii) occurs as a distinct form, that generally incorporates a nasal.

[28] There are four pronominal forms associated with the four -n enclitics and this suggests that there are four independent markers in contrast to a single morpheme with a broader range of functions.

[33] Abitedi-mboall-AUGuënës-bud-ne-acdie-DUR-DISTR-Narr.PASTmëdin-bodeceased.person-PLaidthat.oneAbitedi-mbo uënës-bud-ne-ac mëdin-bo aidall-AUG die-DUR-DISTR-Narr.PAST deceased.person-PL that.one‘All of them have died off, the now deceased one… those ones.’chompian-boshotgun-PLchompian-boshotgun-PL‘Different types of shotguns’/ ‘shotguns, etc.’poshto-bowoolly.monkey-PLposhto-bowoolly.monkey-PL‘Woolly monkeys and other types of monkeys’PadnuenBy.contrastsinnadpalm.genusutsi-boother-PLmannan-n-quiohill-LOC-AUGcani-quidgrow-HABPadnuen sinnad utsi-bo mannan-n-quio cani-quidBy.contrast palm.genus other-PL hill-LOC-AUG grow-HAB'By contrast, other kinds of sinnad palms grow deep in the hills [upland forest].