Mihaela Miroiu

[5][6] She initiated two non-governmental organizations: ANA Society for Feminist Analyses in 1995 and Curriculum Development Center and Gender Studies – FILIA in 2000.

[1] She coordinated research grants on gender issues in partnership with several European and American institutions: the Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna, UNESCO, New Europe College, SNSPA, Babeș-Bolyai University, Konrad Adenauer Foundation, ERSTE Foundation, FRAGEN IIAV, International Information Centre and Archives for the Women's Movement, Indiana University, Bloomington.

She received numerous awards, including Women Inspiring Europe, European Institute for Gender Equality, 2010, Brussels; Outstanding Achievements Award, Association for Women in Slavic Studies Eurasian and East-European Studies (AWSS), 2010; Excellence in Teaching offered by the National Alliance of Student Organizations in Romania, 2007; award for Promoting Equality of Opportunities in Romania, National Council for Preventing and Combating Discrimination, Bucharest, 2005; for promoting women's rights, Woman of the Year, 2005, Avantaje Magazine.

She has been involved, as a public intellectual, in writing numerous articles and public policy papers[9] for democratization and the rule of law, as well against discrimination and equal opportunities in Romanian cultural and political journals such as Dilema veche, Revista 22, Observatorul Cultural, Adevărul, Gândul, and Avantaje.

In the last decade she is best known as an advocate and influencer in favor of the same causes on the social network Facebook; she is the most influential public female intellectual fighting for the observance of women's and minorities dignity and rights.

Since 2000 she is directly involved in protests for gender justice, for fighting violence against women, for miniorites' rights, and for environmental causes.

In this book, Miroiu analyzes the alliance and mésalliance between feminism and philosophy, including Romanian philosophy, arguing in favor of philosophical reassessment of the feminine and the womanly, in the context of a culture still dominated by dichotomies and the idea that women are rather treated as "shadows of philosophical thought".

In 1999 she publishes The Backward-Looking Society, a book in which she analysis the ideological and political tendencies of the post-communist society, as a "cocktail of conservatisms," a dominant combination between left-conservatism, represented by the socialists, well supported by the majority of the electorate in terms of deindustrialization, loss of status and employment; and right-conservatism, represented by National Liberal Party and National Peasant Party, also dominant in the mainstream of public intellectuals.

In this work, Miroiu analyzes the evolution and trends of feminist theories and political movements, including Romania in the general research context.

[11] Regarding educational politics, Miroiu has contributed to the reform of the Philosophy curricula in high school after the fall of communism.

A series of critics arose from other feminists, many of them Eastern European, and they refer to the fact that she rejects the idea of compatibility between feminism and communism, as long as women could not freely associate, express their own interests and change the cultural, civic and political agenda.

[15] Andreea Molocea (2015, 31) in "(Re)construcția feminismului românesc (1999–2000)" speaks of Romanian feminism as being closely connected with academia, due to the fact the majority of early feminists were coming from the academic sphere.

Another critic relies on Romanian liberal feminism that tended to be homogeneous and generally focused on the rights, liberties, and autonomy of women and its lack of intersectionality with ethnicity, class or sexual orientation (Vlad 2015).

As for her activity as an women's rights activist, Mihaela Miroiu was criticized for taking a passive stance towards certain acts of sexual harassment that were brought to her attention by one of her students at the National University of Political Studies and Public Administration (SNSPA).

She responded to the criticism by claiming that at the time of those incidents no university code of ethics was in place to provide specific procedures for the sanctioning of sexual harassment.