The Mundt–Nixon Bill, named after Karl Mundt and Richard Nixon, formally the Subversive Activities Control Act, was a proposed law in 1948 that would have required all members of the Communist Party of the United States register with the Attorney General.

[11] The Senate Judicial Committee held hearings May 27–30, 1948, for "the purpose of receiving testimony and opinions in relation to the constitutionality and practicality of H. R.

The committee heard testimony from leftwing and rightwing political and union leaders, attorneys, who included: Father John Francis Cronin, William Z.

The resulting report also included briefs, memoranda, letters, resolutions, and editorials from former US Solicitor General Charles Evans Hughes, Jr., John W. Davis, then-current US Attorney General Tom Clark, the ACLU, Louis Waldman, Morris Ernst, Lee Pressman, future Subversive Activities Control Board chairman Seth W. Richardson, Merwin K. Hart, the CPUSA, U.S.

[14] On May 30, 1948, Henry A. Wallace, U.S. presidential candidate for the Progressive Party, told the committee he considered the Mundt–Nixon Bill an offensive act in the "cold war against Russia.

[16] On May 31, 1948, at 10:00 PM, Representative Mundt and Communist Party chairman Foster debated for an hour live on WJZ-ABC radio (now WABC (AM)).

Mundt stated first that Communism was labor's "worst enemy" and that, rather than drive the Party underground, the bill would expose it so it could not "undermine the country by conspiracy.

"[17][18] On June 4, 1948, attorney Dana Converse Backus wrote to the New York Times a strongly worded letter "The Mundt-Nixon Bill: Suggestions Given for Revision of Proposed Legislation."

On June 6, 1948, ACLU lawyer Raymond L. Wise's letter to the New York Times appeared, asking for "careful study" of the provisions of the Mundt–Nixon Bill.

Summarizing the bill's spirit and intent, he wrote: It is contrary to our fundamental theories of government to penalize or put pressure on expression of opinion or on free association in advance of personal criminal guilt, established after trial by due process of law.

First in the hearing room and then in front of the U.S. Senate Office Building, lead organizer Len Goldsmith stated, "By God, we are coming down by the thousands on Wednesday, and if they won't listen we will find other means."

The New York Times noted that Goldman led the "Committee for Democratic Rights" and that he wore a blue campaign button for candidate Wallace.

Goldman stated, "This is a protest by Americans of all political parties against denial of their right to be heard on proposed legislation of vital importance.

"[24] Marchers were to converge on Turner's Arena in Washington, DC, and after lunch march on Capitol Hill to meet with politicians.

[23] (Also on June 2, 1948, U.S. Immigration and FBI officials arrested a top Communist Party leader, Jack Stachel, in New York City on a warrant for deportation proceedings.

[27] The New York Times described: For an hour they threw a line of mass pickets, five and six abreast, across the entrance to the White House, although President Truman himself has long demanded passage of the civil rights measures.

Finally, at a rally tonight on the green slopes below the Washington Monument, their speakers urged them to continue the "fire" of telegrams, delegations and protests toward Congress.

"[30] By June 2, 1948, the New York Times reported that "the immediate effect of this [looming march on Washington] was a stiffening of attitude among some influential Senators, who previously had been prepared to concede that the measure, or any like it was as good as dead for this session of Congress."

Further, it noted, "Some Republicans asserted that the supporters of Mr. Wallace, the Third party Presidential candidate, were seeking to present him before the country as having defeated a measure which already had had only the dimmest outlook for passage.