[1][2][3] Friends and relatives of Marcos acquired staggering wealth and economic power due to special favors and privileges extended by the administration.
[4] While Marcos associates enjoyed government bailout even during the decline of their firms, other businesses suffered high taxes, sanctions, and other unjust treatments that forced them to close up, or to sell their shares.
In a 1988 interview, she stated, "We practically own everything in the Philippines—from electricity, telecommunications, airline, banking, beer and tobacco, newspaper publishing, television stations, shipping, oil and mining, hotels and beach resorts, down to coconut milling, small farms, real estate and insurance.
The Marcos administration created the Philippine Exchange Co. (Philex), a government entity that takes charge of all international trading of sugar.
[7][1] After the flop of Philex, Marcos decided to have tighter control of the industry and established the Philippine Sugar Commission (Philsucom).
Philsucom had blanket authority over the industry, given the power to "act as the single agency engaged in the buying and selling of sugar".
[10] Benedicto controlled the market by using methods he practiced in Philex, such as: Their monopoly of the sugar industry rippled adverse effects, hurting the livelihoods of poor farmers.
They demanded the end of sales of sugar crops without planters' consent, and annual existing long-term export contracts.
[13] One of the most infamous forms of graft and corruption of the Marcos administration was the Coco Levy Fund, controlled by Eduardo 'Danding' Cojuangco and Juan Ponce Enrile.
The fund was originally drafted in 1971, which required taxing every kilo of copra sold, supposedly for shares of stocks that will support the coconut farmers as the industry develops.
[22] This all took place despite Marcos' pronouncements as president, where he often wrote speeches on the importance of natural resources as a national investment, particularly of forests and logging.
[25] Among them were Juan Tavera, a presidential assistant who owned Twin Peaks Corp., Fortuna Marcos-Barba, the president's sister, and Alfonso Lim, who was given 7 logging concessions in Northern Luzon with a land area of more than 600,000 hectares.
His strong political ties allowed him to avoid payment of license fees amounting to $123,000 by 1986, a treatment in contrast to his competitors.
Articles II and XV of the Constitution provided that the "State shall respect the customs and traditions of cultural minorities and ensure their development as self-reliant communities".
The Tinggians reported seeing roving jeeps of guards, and that their rice fields, pasture lands, and communal forests were usurped.
In Gaddani, Tayum, farmers were forced to sell their lands at a price dictated by the Cellophil, and those refused had their crops bulldozed and their water supply cut off.
[2] Affected tribes called for a peace pact and drafted a resolution to Marcos, informing the President of Cellophil's refusal of a fair dialogue and their military harassment.
He also told Lopez that his son Eugenio Jr., who was charged with attempting to assassinate Marcos,[31] would be released from jail, if he agreed to Romualdez's terms.
Lopez sold Meralco to Romualdez for a downpayment of only Php 10,000 a ridiculously low amount for the purchase of a national power utility worth $20 million.
[34] Disini organized Philippine Tobacco Filters Corp (PFTC) in 1970, supplemented by 30% investment by Baumgartner Papiers of Switzerland.
After establishing his name in the industry, Disini organized Techosphere Manufacturers and Recyclers Inc., which produced cigarette filters and pipe mixtures.
Because of his friendship with Marcos, Fortune Tobacco Corporation was given tax, customs, financing and regulatory breaks that allowed his business to prosper as a domestic monopoly.
After Marcos was ousted and exiled to Hawaii in 1986, Tan wrote an open letter to President Corazon Aquino, stating that "We can proudly say that we have never depended on dole-outs, government assistance of monopoly protection throughout our history".
This was beneficial to Benedicto, as it secured his political ties with Marcos and generated income as the owner of the sole running television and radio stations.
Benedicto assigned Enrique Romualdez, a relative of the first lady, as chief editor of the paper to ensure that it held the views of the regime.
[2] His growing media empire received government favors from the Marcos administration, with the President granting several Letters of Instruction (LOIs) for Benedicto's benefit.
In 1977, Marcos issued LOI 640 to allow Banahaw Broadcasting Corporation, one of Benedicto's companies, to import $3 million worth of TV transmission equipment and facilities, without paying taxes or tariffs.
The new instruction directed government ministries to distribute Benedicto's television sets in the countryside areas "on matters pertaining to peace and order".
[44] The Consumer Electronic Products Manufacturers Association (CEPMA) complained that the television sets meant for rural areas were being sold in Manila, greatly affecting their market.
One of the biggest players in the publishing industry in post-war Philippines was Hans Menzi, a Brigadier General in the air force.