The Presidium of the Convention consisted of: Jan Matłachowski (chairman), Adam Krajewski (secretary) and Tadeusz Krzyszowski."

This claim later received some substantation after it was revealed that some of the founding members of the party, such as Bogusław Rybicki and Edward Mastej, were former communists.

[13] Endorsement of Matus as well as the fact that the new party was founded by elderly former interwar activists gave it an aura of legitimacy, attracting hitherto dispersed nationalists.

On 14 October, the Warsaw ZO was established (president Arkadiusz Góral, plus Jerzy Syrek, Reginald Choliński).

Representatives of this formation announced that they were taking over the traditions of the pre-war national movement, in particular the 1927 anthem of the Camp of Great Poland, the symbol of the Chrobry sword with the white eagle in the crown and with the cross, and were resuming the publication of the press organ "Voice of the Nation (Polish: Głos Narodu).

Invited guests also included, in addition to distinguished nationalists such as Józef Kossecki and Przemysław Górny, Father Henryk Czepułkowski, Father Tadeusz Gliński, Tadeusz Maciński and a liaison officer with the émigré SN, Leon Mirecki, also Bolesław Tejkowski of the nationalist party Polish National Community (Polish: Polska Wspólnota Narodowa, PWN), Krzysztof Borkowski of the Real Politics Union and Edward Kowalczyk of the Alliance of Democrats.

The National Party was hostile towards right-leaning, anti-communist candidates such as Tadeusz Mazowiecki and Lech Wałęsa, and warned its supporters against voting for them.

A small group within the party also broke the ranks to campaign for Stanisław Tymiński, an ultra-populist anti-establishment candidate that presented himself as a businessman "out of nowhere".

The blue camp was staunchly right-wing and focused on closely following the legacy of the interwar movement, while supporting liberal capitalism and anti-communism.

The pink faction, in contrast, was left-wing, vehemently anti-capitalist and socialist and either accepted or was sympathetic towards Communist Poland; the pink camp was dedicated solely to economic matters and ignored social issues, and the members of the factions openly mocked the Polish right for attacking immigrants and Jews instead of focusing on the hardship of the working class.

The local branches of SN in Ostrołęka and Łomża were also sympathetic towards the newly formed party, and defections to the National Democratic Partz also took place in regions such as Zamojszczyzna.

On 24 February 1992, Krzysztof Kawęcki resigned from the SN, claiming that despite the expulsion of Rybacki and his pink faction, "the Supreme Council did not get around to excluding from the National Party a group of people with leftist-national views, often with a communist past.

On 10 October 1992, at the joint meeting of secessionists from the SND, the attentands made a decision to join the National Party.

The SN-affiliated Social Committee for the Celebration of the Outbreak of the Third Silesian Uprising in Opole (led by Bolesław Grabowski) initiated in 1993 the Third May rallies of nationalists on Góra Św.

On 17–18 July 1993, a conference "For a Catholic State of the Polish Nation" was organised in Krzeszowice with the participation of 200 people (including guests from Ireland).

Although at the KG meeting on 20 March 1993, at the insistence of F. Kamiński (vice-chairman of RN) and T. Radwan (chairman of ZO Katowice), a decision was taken to start unification talks with the left-wing National Party "Fatherland", the initiative soon collapsed.

The main committee of the National Party decided by a ratio of 14:12 to support the UPR list in exchange for 25% of the seats.

The idea of a professional army, the call for the privatisation of schools, slogans such as "Alcohol half the price" - were in clear contradiction to the ideology of the National Democracy.

At a meeting of the Central Committee on 7 August, the Giertych line (which was supported by, among others, A. Fedorowicz from Białystok, Wilczyńska and Staszewski from Łódź) was opposed both by supporters of cooperation with "Fatherland" (five districts, including Piotrków and Opolski) and the Warsaw District, advocating an alliance with J. Olszewski's Movement for the Republic (RDR).

Some districts together with RdR, Solidarność '80, Civitas Christiana, K. Świtoń's Upper Silesian Christian Democracy and the National Party of the Unemployed co-founded the Coalition for the Republic.

SN tried to put forward its candidate - Maciej Giertych - but the attempt to collect the required number of signatures failed.

Nevertheless, the party was very critical of the right-wing candidates, arguing that the post-Solidarity "wants to build an independence camp, but by giving up sovereignty in NATO and the EU".

The coalition was quickly dissolved however, as the SLN decided to join the Solidarity Electoral Action, while the National Party joined the Bloc for Poland (Polish: BBWR - Blok dla Polski, BdP), formed by the former leader of Nonpartisan Bloc for Support of Reforms, Andrzej Gąsienica-Makowski.

Local coalitions were also formed, such as Porozumienie Samorządowe "Uwłaszczenie Warszawy" with the participation also of SND, PZKS, the Polish Enfranchisement Movement, Ruch "Moja Ojczyzna", Krajowe Porozumienie Emerytów i Rencistów RP, Duszpasterstwa Oboz Oświęcimskiego Więźniów, Społeczne Komitet Uczczenia Pamięci Romana Dmowskiego, Partia Kupiecka, "Solidarność" named after Father Jerzy Popiełuszko and a group of ROP activists.

The SN candidate in the 2000 Polish presidential election was General Tadeusz Wilecki, who received only 28,805 votes, i.e. 0.16% support.

The party claimed to have its framework lie "in the school of Roman Dmowski and sought to gain legitimacy by portraying its fidelity to the "age-old program" of National Democracy.

We were delighted to find in it the principle of ordo caritatis, the order of charity, developed by St Thomas Aquinas.

This principle proclaims the overriding duty to serve the natural communities and those closest to man - that is, the family and the nation."

Chief writer in the party's newspaper, Andrzej Ligęza, wrote: "[A] geszefciarz is a man whose only important goal and motive is profit.

Tomasiewicz also noted the heavily Keynesian rhetoric of the supposedly 'free-market' factions, especially when criticizing the Polish government's anti-inflation measures.