[3] Fourteen days following their appointment, the prime minister must submit a programme outlining the government's agenda to the Sejm, requiring a vote of confidence.

In early November 1918, a socialist provisional government under Ignacy Daszyński declared independence, while a separate committee in Kraków claimed to rule West Galicia.

[7] In Warsaw, the German-Austrian appointed Regency Council agreed to transfer political responsibilities to Marshal Józef Piłsudski, recently released from Magdeburg fortress, as Chief of State of the new Polish nation.

The Small Constitution of 1919 outlined Poland's form of government, with a democratically elected Sejm, a prime minister and cabinet, and an executive branch.

[9] The executive branch could select and organise cabinets (with the Sejm's consent), be responsible to the ministries for their duties, and require the countersignature of ministers for all official acts.

[10] By the early 1920s, rightist nationalists within parliament, particularly Roman Dmowski and other members of the Popular National Union party and the Endecja movement, advocated reforms to the republic's structure to stem the authority of the chief of state (and ultimately Piłsudski) while increasing parliamentary powers.

In reality, however, the premiership remained extraordinarily insecure due to the harsh political climate of the early Second Republic, marked by constant fluctuating coalitions within parliament.

[16] Piłsudski's August Novelisation of the 1921 Constitution retained the prime minister's post and the parliamentary system, though modified the president's powers to rule by decree, dismiss the Sejm, and decide budgetary matters.

[20] Although the premiership continued to exist, the office's power and prestige relied more on the individual's stature within the governing communist party than the position's actual constitutional authority.

[22] In face of growing protests from the Solidarity movement for much of the 1980s, the PZPR entered into the Round Table Talks in early 1989 with leading members of the anti-communist opposition.

[23] The conclusion of the talks, along with the resulting April Novelisation of the constitution, provided various powers to the Sejm, along with reinstating both the previously dissolved upper-house Senate and the presidency as legal governmental entities.

Following the partially free 1989 parliamentary election, the Solidarity government of Tadeusz Mazowiecki faced the monumental task of formally institutionalising the office in order to define its relatively vague legal powers.

[24] Matters were not helped by the vagueness of the presidency, whose recreation during the Round Table Talks left a poorly defined yet potentially powerful office.

[33] Upon selection, the prime minister will propose members of the cabinet, and within fourteen days, must submit a programme outlining the new government's agenda to the Sejm, requiring a vote of confidence from its deputies.

[4] In the event that a vote of confidence fails, the process of government formation passes to the Sejm, which will then nominate a prime minister within fourteen days, who will again propose the composition of the cabinet.

[41] The prime minister cannot, however, hold the presidency nor any other high state office, such as the chairmanships of the Supreme Chamber of Control, the National Bank of Poland, or the Ombudsman for Citizens Rights, simultaneously.

[47] The presidency's most significant power over the prime minister is the right to veto the government's legislation, but this procedure may be overruled by a three-fifths voting majority in the Sejm.

[55] The prime minister also retains the right to appoint and dismiss the heads of the special services, including the Policja, Border Guard, ABW, AW, and the Government Protection Bureau.

[56] If such units prove ineffective in such a situation, the prime minister is authorised to call upon the president to deploy the Polish Armed Forces to bring law and order.

[59] Wałęsa was further infuriated by Olszewski's attempts to gain influence within the Polish Armed Forces by appointing Radosław Sikorski as deputy defence minister without consultation.

[60] Prime Minister Hanna Suchocka, who succeeded in forming a government after Waldemar Pawlak's failure to gather a workable coalition, enjoyed a far more amicable relationship with the president.

Political rivals for years, fueled by the 2005 presidential poll which saw both men as the main challengers, Tusk's centre-right Civic Platform toppled Kaczyński's twin brother Jarosław's government in the 2007 parliamentary election.

Tusk's support for stronger integration into the European Union, including the signing of the Lisbon Treaty, and a rapprochement with Russia, put Kaczyński directly at odds with the prime minister.

[63] Although Tusk and Kaczyński found several areas of compromise, clashes between the Chancellery and the Presidential Palace became a regular feature in both the domestic and international political scenes for the next two and a half years.

United Right would be unable to govern on its own, and Duda stated his intention to re-appoint incumbent Morawiecki as Prime Minister due to the existing albeit unofficial convention of nominating a member of the winning party.

The opposition parties subsequently signed a coalition agreement on 10 November, de facto taking over control of the Sejm, and agreed to nominate former Prime Minister and European Council President Donald Tusk as their candidate.

Although the budget was passed with a large majority, the absence of the two MPS, whose parliamentary mandates were annulled over criminal convictions, meant the National Assembly was not at full capacity when the vote took place.

The president’s decision, which had been widely expected, was criticised by figures from the ruling coalition, it would allow the inclusion of Silesian in school curricula and its use within local administration in municipalities.

However, the previous Prime Minister Donald Tusk chose to reside in the coastal city of Sopot, near his native Gdańsk in Pomeranian Voivodeship.

[78] The prime minister receives security from the Government Protection Bureau (Biuro Ochrony Rządu) while in office, as well as for six months after departing from the Chancellery.