In the south was the Jammu region with a population ethnically related to Punjabis[2] and comprising a mix of Hindus, (Sunni)[3] Muslims and Sikhs.
[7] A significant number of Muslims from Kashmir Valley migrated to the Punjab province of British India due to such conditions in the princely state.
[10] Their authority increased under Maharajah Ranbir Singh, who introduced the chakdari system in 1862 under which there were very easy conditions to grant allotments of uncultivated land.
Scores of protesters jumped off the Haji Rather Sum Bridge at Zaldgar, in the hope they would hide in the marsh underneath, but at least 28 bodies were recovered from the river, and over 100 sustained wounds.
[18] Apprehensive of developments in Afghanistan, the British colonial authorities in 1895 called on the Dogra state to attend to the Muslim population's needs.
[20] The Reading Room Party from Srinagar endeavored to gain improved education facilities and more administrative work opportunities for Muslims.
[23] The Maharajah Hari Singh instituted the Glancy Commission to inquire into the Muslim complaints, although this move was vehemently opposed by the Kashmiri Pandits.
[26] However, the democratic system was very limited, offering only restricted freedoms, and did not include universal adult franchise with only five percent of state subjects being given the right to vote for a practically powerless Praja Sabha (People's Assembly).
The organisation put forward a range of economic demands which would uplift each constituent class such as landed rights, more openings in the civil service for educated Muslims, improved labour conditions and lower taxation.
[24] The organisation wished to represent all the state's Muslims in their demands for more rights and both Jammu and the Kashmir Valley contributed to composing the leadership of the party.
[29] According to historian Mridu Rai, the religious aspect of the movement was a reaction to the state exerting its 'Hinduness' and discriminating against Muslims due to their religion.
[30] However, Maulana Sayeed Masoodi, Bakshi Ghulam Muhammad and Sheikh Abdullah desired that the Muslim movement be converted turn into a secular struggle for the political and economic upliftment of all the state's residents.
[32] This move towards secularizing the movement was apparently reinforced by the advice of Dr Saifuddin Kitchlew, an eminent member of the Kashmiri diaspora in the Punjab, to Sheikh Abdullah.
In 1944 the National Conference adopted a New Kashmir manifesto whereby it extended its demands from Muslim welfare to political and economic restructuring of the state.
[38] In the Quit Kashmir Movement, the National Conference turned to using demonstrations after the Maharajah Hari Singh moved to forcefully quell the struggle.
Despite Jawaharlal Nehru's support, the poor organisational planning of the National Conference as well as the Dogra regime's use of force led to the Quit Kashmir movement dwindling.
[40] The organization opposed the Quit Kashmir movement and accused the National Conference of working against Muslim unity and helping Hindu domination in collaboration with the Congress.
17 days before the Maharaja finally acceded to India, Sheikh Abdullah said"Our prime concern at this stage is the emancipation of the four million people living in this State.
[43] The Maharajah himself was interested in preserving the state's independence and in this decision he had the support of the Jammu and Kashmir Rajya Hindu Sabha and the Muslim Conference.
[44] The second party supporting the accession of the state to Pakistan was Prem Nath Bazaz's Kisan Mazdoor Conference which, according to the Civil Military Gazette, enjoyed popularity in the southern portion of the Kashmir Valley.
[45] According to Yaqoob Khan Bangash, the population in the Gilgit Agency and surrounding areas disliked the State rule and considered themselves to be ethnically different from Kashmiris and favored merger Pakistan.
[46] Kashmiri Muslims who had fled the Kashmir Valley to the Punjab maintained emotional and familial links to their homeland and had a feeling they were morally duty bound to struggle for their brethren against the Dogra rule.