[1] Special rights for Malays were legislated into the Singapore Constitution, symbolically recognising the community as the indigenous people of the land.
(2) Except as expressly authorised by this Constitution, there shall be no discrimination against citizens of Singapore on the ground only of religion, race, descent or place of birth in any law or in the appointment to any office or employment under a public authority or in the administration of any law relating to the acquisition, holding or disposition of property or the establishing or carrying on of any trade, business, profession, vocation or employment.
"[8] The Constitution also recognises the special position of Malays as the indigenous people of the land in Article 152: "152.—(1) It shall be the responsibility of the Government constantly to care for the interests of the racial and religious minorities in Singapore.
(2) The Government shall exercise its functions in such manner as to recognise the special position of the Malays, who are the indigenous people of Singapore, and accordingly it shall be the responsibility of the Government to protect, safeguard, support, foster and promote their political, educational, religious, economic, social and cultural interests and the Malay language.
[11] The then-Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, in particular, believed that learning one's Mother Tongue helped maintain one's understanding of cultural values.
[12] A bilingual education policy was also introduced, mandating that students learn English as their first language and their respective Mother Tongues (determined by their officially registered race).
[13] However, Singaporeans who have lived abroad for extended periods, as well as international students, may be granted exemptions from the Mother Tongue language requirement on a case-by-case basis.
[14][15] The Presidential Council for Minority Rights (PCMR) is a non-elected government body which examines legislation to ensure that they do not discriminate against any racial or religious communities.
According to the Parliamentary Elections Act, each Group Representation Constituency (GRC) must include one member of the minority race such as a Malay or Indian.
[22] Contribution to the self-help group depends on the race and/or religion of the employee which is indicated on the National Registration Identity Card (NRIC).
[22] Malays were virtually excluded from conscription from the beginning of the draft in 1967 until 1977 and, after the policy was eased, were assigned mainly to serve in the police and civil defence (fire brigade), not active combat roles.
[23] In The Roar of the Lion City (2007), military analyst Sean Walsh claimed that "official discrimination against the Malay population remains an open secret".
Today, grassroots organisations such as the People's Association and the Community Development Councils also celebrate Racial Harmony Day.
[35] These students could spend up to ten years, cocooned away in a Chinese environment, bereft of interactions with people of other races excepting their teachers.
A female Malay student studying in a Chinese SAP school experienced multiple episodes of racism over a few years (Mothership, 2020).
This example serves to remind us that it is highly possible for students to racially segregate themselves in schools and in outside settings, despite the best efforts of educators and well-thought out policies to mix them.
Mansouri & Jenkins (2010)[32] states that the choice of language usage among students in schools allow them to exercise exclusion, in both formal and informal settings.
Hence, policies and measures fashioned by state and non-state actors will play a critical role in managing racism in Singapore.
Through their programmes, they provide people with a safe environment and space to air different views and seek understanding through sincere conversations centred on empathy (Today, 2020).
In schools, teachers can get students to work in ethnically mixed groups, encourage cross-groups friendships and tackle racism by countering it with positive statements.
Scholar S. Velayutham argues that the state's constant focus on the “spectre of racial violence has literally erased the notion of racism from public and official discourses”.
Velayutham also argues and that “the need to maintain racial harmony, social cohesion and tolerance is repeatedly voiced to render racist practices as non-occurrences”.
[47] Other scholars such as N. Purushotam take issue with the orientalist underpinnings of the CMIO classification, and argue that continued adherence to the model merely avoids reconceptualisation of the term “race”.
[48] In 2025 debate, Law and Home Affairs Minister K. Shanmugam argued that eliminating the CMIO administrative framework "will result in the Government not being able to identify and address the differences between racial groups", pointing out that since France removed the collection of race-based data in 1978, the racial tensions remain and France has seen a surge in race-related offences in recent years.