Red Purge

[14] Based on the Potsdam Declaration, Douglas MacArthur sent to the Japanese government a document "Removal and Exclusion of Undesirable Personnel from Public Office" on 4 January 1946, which commanded the purge of war criminals and leaders of ultranationalist groups.

[16] During the occupation period, the United States took many methods to reform Japanese educational system, which was heavily influenced by militarism, imperial ideologies and central government.

Many Marxists and leftist scholars, who had been banned from teaching, were encouraged by SCAP to organize social activities and regarded as victims of the previous regime and progressive and democratic by many students.

[25] Initially aiming at gaining control over the workplace, seeking better security and respect for the working class, the struggle later evolved into a social movement.

[33] In the late 1940s, U.S. policies toward occupied Japan underwent a gradual transformation, shifting from focusing on demilitarization and democratization toward economic reconstruction and rearmament.

[35] Some of these strikes continued to focus on the improvement of the working conditions and labor rights, but some were dedicated to impacting or even reconstructing the nation's political system.

[36] In May 1946, Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida blamed radical labor movements for their misuse of democracy, reiterating that both capitalists and workers cooperate for the same purpose of increasing production.

311, which imposes fines and hard labor of up to 10 years for taking part in "acts prejudicial to Occupation objectives", followed by the usage of police enforcement.

[9] In solidarity with the All Japan Congress of Industrial Unions (Sanbetsu), left-wing and right-wing socialists united with communists and independents since November to prepare for a general strike on February 1, 1947.

[45] These policies and laws brought benefits to the workers and met many of the demands of the previously outlawed strikes, and also received a great deal of support from the JSP.

[46] However, the victory of the socialists and liberals did not mean that the conservative forces were weak; they still held many seats, while Tetsu Katayama's new coalition cabinet itself had internal conflicts between Marxists and others.

[14] At the end of the labor reform in 1948, civil-service expert Blaine Hoover suggested in the new revision of the National Public Service Law that workers should not be allowed to overthrow the government by striking and collective actions.

[48] He was appointed to a newly created Civil Service Division inside Government Section although his proposal was stymied and not passed, including by GHQ and Prime Minister Katayama.

[49] Centrists in Katayama's cabinet could not continue to maintain their coalition, right-wing socialists lacked sufficient control over the labor movement to implement various austerity measures over the protests of the Sanbetsu and left-wing socialists, and the Democratic Party in the coalition strongly opposed Katayama's proposal for the state management of the coal industry, with conservatives among them ultimately chose to switch to Yoshida's liberals.

The order was finally carried out despite heavy opposition that led to the fall of the Ashida Cabinet, anti-American sentiment and the expansion of left-wing forces.

[53] With the introduction of the Truman Doctrine, the United States needed a stronghold in Asia against the expansion of communism, and with this goal in mind, Japan was the natural target of choice.

[58] Kennan's policy and MacArthur's turn were naturally unpopular with many Japanese civilians, and a series of struggles and protests by Korean-Japanese, laborers, students, and teachers took place between the spring and summer of 1948.

One of the most important of Kennan's policies was NSC-13/2, which included ending the liquidation of war criminals, listing 20 major opposition groups in Japan, and increasing the power of the government and police.

[61] In late 1948, President Truman bypassed the Far Eastern Commission after the implementation of NSC-13/2 and introduced a directive emphasizing economic stability, and in response, Yoshida passed an austerity plan.

[63] As Cold War intensified, JCP began to lean more and more towards anti-imperialism and nationalism, and the anti-imperialist tendency was greatly reinforced by the Cominform's critique of the party line on 6 January 1949, linking it to more revolutionary policies.

[64] In the January 1949 general election, despite the almost complete decline of most left-wing parties in Japan, JCP scored a resounding victory, reaching 9.76% of the vote.

[69] In April, at the instigation of MacArthur, Yoshida issued the Ordinance for Controlling Associations and Others to "facilitate [the] healthy development of pacifism and democracy", to prohibit "militaristic, ultra-nationalistic, violent, and antidemocratic" groups, and to require each political organization to register its name, membership, purpose and activities.

[73] On July 5, Sadanori Shimoyama, the chairman of Japanese National Railways who had received threatening letters, disappeared mysteriously and was later found dead on the tracks next to Kitasenju Station, became the subject of debate as to whether his death was a suicide or a homicide, and there were even rumors that the incident was the result of operations by U.S. and Soviet agents.

Ten days later, shortly after the announcements of the second round dismissals were posted, an unmanned 63 series train in Tokyo that had been parked overnight was suddenly released, and capsized after hitting and breaking a buffer stop, killing six people and injuring 20.

Police then believed that the leftists had caused the incident, arresting nine communists and a former National Railroad driver, but ultimately did not reach any satisfactory conclusions.

[76] In July, the Civil Information and Education Division (CIE) under SCAP sent Dr. Walter C. Eells of Stanford University on a six-month round of lectures to denounce the left and to target JCP-controlled Zengakuren in particular.

[78] Despite the fact that his lectures were not popular within the universities, Japanese Education Minister Takase Sōtarō secretly began firing pro-Communist teachers under the advice of SCAP.

[86][87] On January 25, Nosaka publicly declared in the preparatory session of the House of Representatives that 1950 would be the year that determine Japan's fate, emphasizing the need for a massive movement to reach peace treaties with all belligerent countries.

[91] On May 30, JCP-related groups protested and chanted anti-American slogans in front of the Tokyo Imperial Palace, and during the same period, Akahata published a series of articles criticizing the policies of the Occupation authorities.

[92] On June 6, MacArthur ordered Yoshida to formally purge 24 influential members of JCP's Central Committee and forbid them from conducting all political activities or publishing any articles in journals.