Relato K

[7] The latter side is usually composed by the non-Kirchnerite media (mainly the Clarín newspaper),[8][9] the rural industries,[10][11][5] the financial services,[12] the vulture funds,[13][14] and the imperialism and local Argentines aligned with it.

[7] Specific people or organizations may be placed on either side according to the political needs of the time, and the pro-Kirchner network may shift the support or criticism accordingly.

Meant as a measure to damage the finances of the Clarín group, which owned the licence up to that point for a pay-per-view service, it was announced as an attempt to guarantee free access to football broadcasting.

The lack of advertising from private enterprises caused a huge deficit in the program, forcing the state to invest 3.86 million dollars on a daily basis to keep it up.

[19][20] The Kirchner government hired people to write in blogs, social networks such as Facebook and Twitter, internet forums and other web pages of public access.

[21] An investigation from the TV program Periodismo para todos revealed a network of social bots registered in Twitter, posting messages of advocacy of the Kirchners.

Ministers Nilda Garré and Juan Manuel Abal Medina shared many messages of those fake accounts, to further increase their popularity.

[22] An instruction manual, named "Técnicas de resistencia activa: Micromilitancia" (Spanish: Techniques of active resistance: micromilitancy) was leaked in 2016.

[24][10][25] During her governments, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner frequently used words in both grammatical genders, instead of using the standard male form.

[26] A group of intellectuals that supported the Kirchners' presidencies, Carta Abierta created the neologism "Destituyente" (which is not in the Dictionary of the Royal Spanish Academy), a synonym of "Destituidor", during the 2008 Argentine government conflict with the agricultural sector.

[30] Fernández de Kirchner argued that the cadenas were legal, as she used them to announce government actions that the mainstream media may be concealing.

Director Martín Sabbatella ruled that the cadenas were legal, repeating the arguments advanced by Fernández de Kirchner.

Many former members of the De la Rúa's government worked for Kirchner in later years, such as Chacho Álvarez, Nilda Garré, Juan Manuel Abal Medina, Diana Conti and Débora Giorgi.

[32][better source needed] The Relato K does not have a coherent perspective of the cacerolazos (banging pots), a protest tactic employed against De la Rúa.

[35] Although many judicial cases against Kirchner gained renewed speed when she left office, none of the judges were appointed during the presidency of Macri.

[35] The economic problems that were ignored by the Relato during the presidency of the Kirchners, such as the high inflation, unemployment, poverty and crime rates, are fully blamed on Macri, and treated as if they came into existence during his term in office.

She said that it was an example of the Relato K and that Kirchnerism tried to shoehorn it as a case of a forced disappearance to draw comparisons between the government of Mauricio Macri and the National Reorganization Process.

[42][better source needed] As other contemporary left-wing populists in South America, the Kirchners make frequent praises to democracy in their speeches, to conceal their authoritarian policies[unbalanced opinion?].

[38] The impeachment of Dilma Rousseff is cited as well, proposing it to be a region-wide attack over the leaders of the pink tide, despite the lack of evidence of it.

[45] A fourth approach proposed that Claudio Bonadio investigated and indicted Cristina Kirchner out of hatred, orders from Macri, or even both.

[47][better source needed] Cristina Kirchner downplayed the impact of state propaganda, suggesting that private media may be more powerful than it.

She based her reasoning in the amount of money involved in the media market, which is bigger than the state budget destined to promote propaganda.

[48] The philosopher Ricardo Forster considered that all political movements have a relato, but wrote that there is a limit on the amount of manipulation of information that may be used by it to stay convincing.