Reverse post-material thesis

[2] The thesis begins from the premise that, during the 1970s and 1980s, centre-left parties embraced a post-material agenda, with less concern for traditional class and economic interests and greater concern for issues such as feminism, environmentalism, liberal internationalist values, and LGBT rights and other sexual freedoms.

Bornschier argues that the "populist right’s ideological core consists of opposition to the process of societal modernization that has accelerated since the 1960s".

[3] According to this thesis, this post-material agenda, while more likely to appeal to the young and the more educated voters, is seen as irrelevant to material concerns, particularly of working-class unskilled males.

[4] Roger Eatwell argues that the reverse post-material thesis is insufficient to explain local variations in support for extreme-right parties — for instance, to explain why the British National Party did well in Oldham at the 2001 General Election but relatively poorly in neighbouring Blackburn.

[6] Pisoiu and Ahmed argue that the French National Front and Flemish Interest (Vlaams Belang) in fact have an anti-materialist philosophy that prioritises political issues over economic concerns.

The reverse post-material thesis argues that the far-right have increased in support as a result of mainstream parties embracing issues such as LGBT rights (pictured) rather than traditional class interests.