For the following seven years, Vargas achieved an unprecedented consolidation of power with transitional governments until he proclaimed the Estado Novo in 1937 in a coup d'état.

[6] Osvaldo Aranha, who became the first Minister of Justice and Internal Affairs after the revolution, described the state of the country shortly after the revolution:[7] The country was without money, without exchange, actually and legally in a moratorium with pressing promises to be met abroad, due or to become due in a few days; a floating debt, federal, state, and local, which had never been calculated; coffee in three crisies—prices, overproduction, and large stocks in warehouses; Brazilian economy, industry, and labor in ruin; and an unemployment crisis.

[8][9]The paulista Washington Luís won the 1926 Brazilian presidential election with 98% of the vote, and his administration was an unusual period of prosperity, domestic peace, and tranquility.

[11][12] The three states formed a Liberal Alliance backing Getúlio Vargas, the Governor of Rio Grande do Sul, as President of Brazil.

[12] In 1929, Ribeiro made a speech in which he stated:[14] Allow the revolution by vote, before the people do so through violence.Dissent in the Brazilian military led to an ideology of tenentism.

The movement consisted of young officers (tenentes, meaning lieutenants) opposed to the oligarchic federal system of coffee and milk politics.

[10][15] In 1922, the first of several military revolts by representatives of tenentism took place at Fort Copacabana in Rio de Janeiro and cost the lives of 16 young officers who were part the movement.

The 1930 revolution was planned to have begun on August 26, but the date was delayed to allow the Brigada Militar of Rio Grande do Sul to participate in the movement.

[17][22]Vargas lured General Gil de Almeida, who was in charge of the Brazilian third military region, into a false sense of security at Porto Alegre, the capital of Rio Grande do Sul.

[17] Then, at 10:00 p.m. on October 3, the revolutionaries had claimed the city of Porto Alegre and had defeated Almeida and his gaucho troops, at a cost of 20 people dead.

[17] João Alberto led a movement with members of the Brigada that successfully captured an arms store on the Menino Deus hill.

[17] On October 8, the Ministry of War continued to report the military forces in Rio Grande do Sul were still loyal to the government.

[24] Belford, with five destroyers, a scout vessel, and a cruiser, delayed movement into the capital and remained until October 24, when electricity was cut off.

[24]On October 5, in the state of Paraná, General Plinio Tourinho advised Vargas that it would be safe for him to establish his headquarters in what was now the frontlines of the revolution.

[26] A former Pernambuco police officer attacked a munitions dump at Soledade, Paraíba, a state of the Liberal Alliance that had joined the cause, alongside 16 men, and weapons were handed out to the public.

The former President of Maranhão and Senator Magalhães de Almeida volunteered to recover his state from revolutionaries and to restore it to Luís.

[26] On 19 October, the popular Cardinal Sebastião Leme, the archbishop of Rio de Janeiro,[28] arrived in the capital from Rome.

One such general was Augusto Tasso Fragoso, the former Army Chief of Staff, who earlier told the former Rio Grande do Sul deputy Lindolfo Collor that he might join the revolution if it turned nationwide.

Mena Barreto was being urged by his Chief of Staff, Colonel Bertoldo Klinger, on behalf of a group of young officers, to intervene to end the hostilities in a military coup favorable to revolutionaries.

Tasso Fragoso, Mena Barreto, and their associates convened on the night of 23 October at Fort Copacabana to make plans for the ousting and received favorable news from the Military Police and the outlying barracks at Vila Militar.

Shortly before 9 a.m., Leme called to speak with Minister of Foreign Affairs Otávio Mangabeira that he had been told Fort Copacabana ordered the President to leave by 11 a.m., and, as a warning, they would begin shooting dry powder after 9 a.m. Luís determined that his wife and other ladies in the Guanabara Palace, Luís's residence, would evacuate and seek shelter in their friends' house in Cosme Velho.

They found the president, who got up to speak with them, sitting solemnly in a small gloomy room and surrounded by his cabinet, sons, a few friends, and congressmen.

He was completely mistaken, and Tasso Fragoso later explained, "No one wanted his son to put on a uniform and die fighting a man frankly divorced from the common interest.

[37] That afternoon, Cardinal Leme, calling on the president at Tasso Fragoso's request, told him that the generals had established their provisional government on the first floor of the Guanabara Palace.

Noting the ugly mood of the crowd, Leme said that Fort Copacabana would be the safest place for the President, and got the generals to agree that he would be allowed to set sail for Europe without delay.

"[37][32][39] In the aftermath of the coup, the president had been replaced by a three-man provisional governing "pacifying junta" composed of Tasso Fragoso, Mena Barreto, and Admiral Isaías de Noronha.

Appointing officials and informing the fighting fronts of what was happening in Rio, they did not imply that they would transfer power to those who had initiated the revolution on 3 October.

Their intentions became more unclear after Klinger, the new police chief of Rio de Janeiro, promised to subdue any popular manifestations in the capital promoting the revolution.