The Declaration of Policy included such issues as improvement of the national economy, a development plan to raise the level of education, and modernisation of the armed forces.

Thus the party was regarded as a representative of "progressive Piłsudskism", a notable expression of which was the acceptance of a presidential republic where the head of state was the most important element, harmonising the so-called excesses of parliamentarism and bureaucracy.

After its reactivation in autumn 1940 and the adoption of the clandestine code name 'Rectangle', the party gave unequivocal support to the legal government of the Republic of Poland in exile.

The majority of SD members found a place in the structures of the Polish Underground State, such as the Union for Armed Struggle (ZWZ) and later the Home Army (AK), also holding positions of responsibility there.

In 1945, following the Red Army seizure of Poland, two members of the Association, Eugeniusz Czarnowski and Stanisław Michałowski, were arrested by the NKVD and tried in the Stalinist-orchestrated Trial of the Sixteen, aimed at eliminating non-communist Polish political leadership.

The political programme promulgated during the occupation had the unmistakable mark of synthesising pre-war experience and taking into account the geopolitical conditions changed by the outbreak of war.

Thus, in April 1943, the SD proclaimed a vision of so-called integral democracy intended to be a combination of a pluralistic state formula and democratic socio-economic relations.

The Republic of Poland was perceived as an entity existing between western neo-democracies and itotalisms, hence the necessity to create a new order became the content facing the imperative of defending sovereignty.

Thus, through the ideology of social egalitarianism, welfare and respect for the fundamental rights of the individual realised in a democratic republic, based on a five-part electoral law, the independence of the judiciary and the presidential system (the head of state, characterised by a superior role, appeared as a systemic bond), the realisation of a kind of third way was proposed as a developmental option for peacetime.

The theses of Marxian dialectics were also introduced into the party decalogue, raising the view of the final end of capitalism and the beginning of the era of socialism.

Despite the marked predominance of crypto-communist members, there was also a liberal-democratic wing active in the SD, represented among others by Kraków activists such as Adam Krzyżanowski and Jerzy Langrod.

The Katowice SD organisation took a similar stance, verbalising its position on, among other things, an autonomous electoral list before the 1947 election to the Legislative Sejm, and officially defending the honour of Home Army soldiers, many of whom were incorporated into the Party's work in Silesia.

In a programmatic nod to its own pre-war tradition, labour was seen as the basis of wealth, which in an unforced way coincided with one of the conclusions of the new power's making the working masses the formal sovereign.

After martial law was declared in Poland in 1981, a group of MPs representing the Alliance, Hanna Suchocka, Dorota Simonides and Jan Janowski among them, voted against abolishing the Solidarity Trade Union.

Following the elections of 4 June, the Alliance, with the United People's Party and the Solidarity Civic Parliamentary Club, formed a coalition, supporting the government of Tadeusz Mazowiecki as the Prime Minister.

Due to the financial considerations required under the Polish political system, parties need to have sufficient funding to finance large-scale campaigns if they are new or have recently obtained under 3% of voters' support.