José Maria da Silva Paranhos, Viscount of Rio Branco (16 March 1819 – 1 November 1880), was a Brazilian politician, monarchist,[1] diplomat, teacher and journalist.

Rio Branco rose to power within the province under the tutelage of Aureliano Coutinho, Viscount of Sepetiba—a veteran politician who held tremendous influence over the young and inexperienced Emperor Pedro II.

Rio Branco's work in the press, highlighting threats posed by the armed conflicts in the Platine republics (Argentina and Uruguay), attracted the attention of Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão, Marquis of Paraná, who invited him to act as secretary on a diplomatic mission to Montevideo.

His successful efforts in concluding a peace with Paraguay were recognized, and Pedro II ennobled him, making him Viscount of Rio Branco (Portuguese for "White River").

Internal divisions within the Liberal Party impeded the projects designed to modernize Brazil, including education reform, construction of railroads and telegraph lines.

Don Juan Manuel de Rosas, the dictator of Argentina, had assisted the separatist rebels in the Brazilian province of Rio Grande do Sul during the 1830s,[35][36] and continued to attempt its annexation.

[33] The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paulino Soares de Sousa (later the Viscount of Uruguai),[40] appointed the Conservative Party's main leader, Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão (later the Marquis of Paraná),[41] as a special plenipotentiary diplomat for the Platine region.

[42] Carneiro Leão had a keen eye for spotting potential, and Paranhos—who had revealed himself a very capable man during his tenure as a Liberal politician in Rio de Janeiro province—had talents which could be put to use.

"[51] An ally of Brazil against Rosas who went on to become President of Argentina in 1862, Bartolomé Mitre would recall decades later that Paranhos had been the "soul" of the successful diplomatic mission headed by Carneiro Leão.

[52] A penchant for, and skill in, diplomacy became evident during his stay—as a pleased Viscount of Uruguai, still Minister of Foreign Affairs, noted in February 1853: "In a general manner, I approve of what our diplomatic representatives do; however, it almost always seems to me that, were I in their places, I would have done better.

[65] Paranhos and Caxias named men who were either ultraconservatives or Moderates to the remaining portfolios, in an attempt to weaken the reinvigorated Liberal opposition and consolidate a workable governing majority.

It was doomed when Paranhos's friend and former colleague in the Conciliation Cabinet, José Tomás Nabuco de Araújo, delivered a speech advocating a merger of Moderate Conservatives and Liberals into a truly new political party.

[70] The defeat was not a total loss for Paranhos, since he was named lifetime Senator for Mato Grosso province by the Emperor in November 1862, after having garnered the most votes in the provincial election.

[A] In January 1858 Paranhos was sent to Asunción to procure Paraguayan compliance with an 1856 treaty which was supposed to give Brazil the right to navigate the Paraguay River in order to access her province of Mato Grosso.

[81] Paranhos not only managed to bring about peace, but he concurrently forged an alliance between Brazil, Argentina and the Uruguayan rebels (who formed Uruguay's postwar government) against Paraguay.

[82] Returning to Brazil, he defended himself in the Senate: "Say [...] whatever you want about the diplomatic act of 20 February; you will not be able to take away from me this grateful conviction: that through that solution I saved the life of 2,000 fellow compatriots, [and] avoided the destruction of an important capital".

He has come to be regarded as one of the nation's greatest heroes due to his pivotal role in securing the country's international boundaries, and has been officially designated as the Patrono (a type of "patron saint") of Brazilian Diplomacy.

[90] According to historian Francisco Doratioto, Paranhos, "the then-greatest Brazilian specialist on Platine[D] affairs", had a "decisive" role in creating a democratic Paraguayan government.

Gaston d'Orléans, Count of Eu—grandson of King Louis Philippe I of France and husband of Emperor Pedro II's daughter and heir Dona Isabel—had succeeded Caxias as Commander-in-Chief of Brazilian forces.

[99] Brazil's international reputation for political steadiness, progressiveness and investment potential greatly improved and, with the exception of the United States, was unequalled by any other American nation.

Only one achieved prominence: João Alfredo Correia de Oliveira, who as President of the Council of Ministers would, on 13 May 1888, secure passage of the law that extinguished the last vestiges of slavery in Brazil.

"[102] According to historian José Murilo de Carvalho, Rio Branco "had to use all his extraordinary energy and leadership skills to convince the deputies", as there was opposition from influential members of both the Conservatives and Liberals.

The difference then was that ultraconservatives who opposed Conciliation (led by Eusébio, Uruguai and Itaboraí) perceived the Emperor as being indispensable to the functioning of the political system: an ultimate and impartial arbiter when deadlock threatened.

[108] This new generation of ultraconservatives, unlike their predecessors, had no experience of the Regency and early years of Pedro II's reign, when external and internal dangers threatened the nation's existence.

This situation led to a state of affairs where the Catholic clergy were seen as being understaffed, undisciplined and poorly educated,[112] leading to a loss of moral authority and popular respect for the Church.

[119] Rio Branco explained in a letter written in August 1873 that he believed the government "could not compromise in the affair" since "it involved principles essential to the social order and to national sovereignty".

[122] The lack of independence shown by Rio Branco in relation to Pedro II was strongly criticized by historian Roderick J. Barman, who believed that the Prime Minister only enforced policies that did not displease the Emperor or which had his full support.

[143][144] Writing at the end of the 19th century, the Brazilian abolitionist leader Joaquim Nabuco said that Rio Branco was—of all the politicians who held the office during Pedro II's reign—the most fitted to the post of President of the Council of Ministers.

[146] Nabuco's view was that due to Rio Branco's lack of first-rate abilities, he would not have been the best leader in troubled times—such as the anarchy which existed during Pedro II's minority, or at the end of a period of chaos when strong action was needed to rebuild.

[148] Ronaldo Vainfas wrote that Rio Branco was "the typical modernizing conservative, who implemented reforms preached by the liberals, thus emptying the political platform of the opposition.