[4] However, Chilean women still face many economic and political challenges, including income disparity, high rates of domestic violence, and lingering patriarchal gender roles.

[5][6] Also during the era, thousands of women protested against socialist president Salvador Allende in the March of the Empty Pots and Pans.

[9] Chile's government has committed more political and financial resources than ever before to enhancing social welfare programs since the country's return to democracy..[10] The Concertación political party has been in power since the end of Pinochet's dictatorship, and from 2006 to 2010, Michelle Bachelet of the party served as the first female President of Chile.

However, Chileans religious convictions as devout Catholics initiated their desire to vote against the adamant anticlerical liberal party.

[16] Social Catholicism- upper-class women's organization of working-class women-was led by Amalia Errazuriz de Subercaseaux.

Traditional gender role beliefs are prevalent in Chilean society, specifically the ideas that women should focus on motherhood and be submissive to men.

[17] A 2010 study by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) reported that 62 percent of Chileans are opposed to full gender equality.

[18] However, the 2012 World Development Report states that male attitudes toward gender equality are that "men do not lose out when women's rights are promoted.

To further structurally cripple Chilean women, first lady Maria Ruiz Tagle de Frei supervised "proper functioning" of feminist organizations.

[21] Carmen Gloria Aguayo revolutionized the mother's centers during the period of conflict between change and tradition during the Christian democrat campaign.

[21] Ms. Aguayo also headed the party's women's departments amongst forty-eight men and reflected the political direction of the initiatives: policies to protect the family- defending women's rights to work, to maternity leave, to equitable pay and occupation, a new opportunities for training and learning in the promised department for female labor studies.

Because familial welfare was deemed important within the Chilean society, mothers have served as a political representation to have a voice in amongst the government.

[24] The Chilean Civil Code previously mandated that wives had to live with and be faithful and obedient to their husbands, but it is no longer in the law.

[6] Both Chilean men and women qualify for a family allowance if they have dependent children under the age of eighteen (or twenty-four if in school).

[25] In 2007, the World Bank declared that enrollment levels for boys and girls in primary and secondary education were at a "virtual parity.

[30] Chile has one of the lowest rate of female employment in all of Latin America, but women's workforce participation has steadily increased over the years.

[9] A 2012 World Bank study showed that the expansion of public day care had no effect on female labor force participation.

[30] Women have increasingly moved out of unpaid domestic work and into the paid formal and informal labor markets.

[7] On December 1, 1971 thousands of women who were against the newly elected Salvador Allende marched through Santiago to protest government policies and Fidel Castro's visiting of Chile.

Prominent feminist sociologist Maria Elena Valenzuela argued, the military state can be interpreted as the quintessential expression of patriarchy: "The Junta, with a very clear sense of its interests, has understood that it must reinforce the traditional family, and the dependent role of women, which is reduced to that of mother.

[8] Her administration had an active role in furthering opportunities and policies for and about women, creating or improving child care, pension reform and breastfeeding laws.

[8] Bachelet served as the first executive director of United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women.

[8] Yet many political parties insincerely support women's agenda and the concept of gender equality, instead leaving any action to be taken by SERNAM or nongovernmental organizations.

[8] The institution also has restrictions when it comes to policy regarding women due to its state ties, as seen in 2000 when SERNAM favored but would not explicitly support the bill to legalize divorce because it was under the leadership of the Christian Democratic party.

[36] La Morada is another nonprofit organization that works to expand the rights of women through political involvement, education, culture, and efforts to eradicate violence.

[32] One of Chile's missions as part of the UN is commitment to democracy, human rights and gender perspective as foundations of multilateral action.

[39] Domestic violence in Chile is a serious issue affecting a large percentage of the population, especially among lower income demographics.

[22] The law provides severance pay to anyone who resigns due to being a victim of sexual harassment if she/he has worked for the employer for at least one year.

A study by Vivo Positivo showed that 85 percent of women living with HIV/AIDS reported that they had little to no education or information about HIV/AIDS until diagnosis.

Fifty-six percent of HIV-positive Chilean women reported being pressured by health-care workers to prevent pregnancy by being sterilized.