[8] Kasravi was eventually assassinated by followers of Navvab Safavi, the founder of the Shi'ite fundamentalist Fada'iyan-e Islam group.

Many of the prominent members of the then Iranian clergy, including the later Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, supported the act of Kasravi being murdered, and Navvab and the Fada'iyan were proclaimed heroes following the assassination.

Haji Mir Mohsen Agha, who was the husband of the aunt and guardian of the Kasravi family, sent him to the Talibiyeh school.

On the other hand, an opponent cleric, whose son-in-law was Mir Mohsen, also preached anti-Kasravi and called him a democrat in order to disperse the people around him.

Kasravi was also forced to visit Samad Khan in Bagh-e Amir under the pressure of Haji Mir Mohsen Agha, Guardian their family.

[15] From then on, Kasravi was a homemaker for a while and read various books and became acquainted with the sciences of the day, and gradually found friends among the freedom seekers.

[15] Through the shop from which he bought the book, Kasravi met several freedom fighters, one of whom was a street that had come to the Caucasus and from there to Tabriz after the parliament closed, and thus a friendship developed between them.

Then he wrote a book about this method called Al-Najm al-Darya, which was taught in Tabriz high schools for some time.

Then, in mid-October, he returned to Tabriz following his mother's motivation letter and the call of Mr Chesp, the director of the Memorial School.

At this time, Taqi Rifat, one of the street supporters, with the help of the Ottomans, founded a Turkish-language newspaper called Azarbadegan, in which he promoted Pan-Turkism.

However, since World War I had led to the defeat of the Allies, in October of that year, the Ottoman troops left Tabriz and the Islamic Union collapsed.

At this time, Vossug ed Dowleh signed the 1919 agreement with Britain, but Mohammad Khiabani, contrary to the expectations of his allies, remained silent and did not act on it, which also increased the resentment of the Democrats.

At the same time, the Prime Minister had received a coded telegram from the critics that if you rise up to fight the street sheikh, the government will help you, which was also not accepted.

[19] In Tehran, he wrote articles about the mourning for Nader Shah Afshar's grave, which led to his acquaintance with Esperanto groups.

The magazine Molla Nasraddin, which was published in Azerbaijan after the Caucasus uprising at the time, also covered the devastation in humorous language.

However, Kasravi did not stay in Tabriz for more than three weeks, as Zia ol Din Tabatabaee took power in a coup d'etat and he had ordered the closure of the judiciary on 14 March.

At this time, the Bolsheviks had looted Kasravi's brother's shop in Baku, and when he returned to Tabriz, Shahsevans took the rest of his property.

[20] After forty days after the death of his wife, on 20 September, Kasravi handed over his children to his brother and left for Tehran again.

On 12 October, after a long trip, he arrived in Tehran, and after some rest, he went to see the then Minister of Justice, Amid al-Saltanah, but there was no room for him in the judiciary.

At this time, Amir Moayed Savadkuhi had revolted against the government in Savadkuh and Sardar Sepah (Reza Shah) had sent an army to suppress him and Kasravi's caravan in Firoozkooh was prevented from following the trip.

At this time, Kasravi began writing a book in Arabic called "Azerbaijan in the Twentieth Century" and sending it to the monthly Al-Irfan.

Sheikh Khazal was also in the hands of mercenaries who, for example, had killed Sayyid Abdullah, one of the former heads of the judiciary, at the behest of one of these assassins.

[28]Basically, he believed and wrote that "all the present-day representations of Islam have deviated from the essence and the true concept of its foundation".

[30] His main target in that field was the famous E. G. Browne, appreciated by Iranian intellectuals of all tendencies, whom he accused to have favoured Sufi poetry in his history of Persian literature, and thus trying to characterize the Iranian spirit with the errors he thinks belong to Sufis (immorality, irrationality, ...), further promoting idleness and passivity in order to keep Iran subjugated to foreign imperialists.

[31] His criticism of Hafez Shirazi followed the same path, considering him "a source of disgrace",[32] saying that his "immorality" was due to the fact that the Mongols were the new rulers in the region, not respectful of Islamic law, thus letting some Sufis (like Hafez) "free to indulge in drinking wine, whereas previously they had to be cautious not to offend the Islamic sentiments of the rulers and the religious authorities.

"[33] Kasravi was also critical about the Baháʼí Faith and considered it as another continuation of the same deviation that started from Shia (penetration and influence of Old Iranian and Judaism beliefs about "a supposed to come saviour" into Islam) to Shaykhism (followers of Shaykh Ahmad) then Babism (followers of Ali Muhammad, called the Bab), then into the Baháʼí Faith.

Abbas Amanat, professor of history at Yale University, believes that Kasravi's work regarding the Bahá'í called Bahaigari is "a short polemic of little historical value".

He further explains "in his criticism of the Bab, he hardly takes into account the historical circumstances under which the movement first appeared and his pontifical judgements no doubt are influenced by his own vision of pakdini".

[35] Kasravi's views threatened both modernist (blind followers of western culture in materialistic concept) intellectuals and the traditionalist cleric class (who worked along and gave legitimacy to traditionalists and Shia leaders who oppose progressive needed changes to modernize the country), not only because of his vision of religion (apart from Shi'a faith and Sufism, he was also sceptical of the Baháʼí), but also due to his critical stance on secularism and the fact that he was "the first Iranian to criticize modernism and Eurocentrism before Al-e Ahmad coined the term 'Weststruckness' and made it a genre.

[42] The future Supreme Leader of Iran, Ruhollah Khomeini, was also against Kasravi's ideas and had called for young martyrs for Islam to counter "this illiterate Tabrizi" a few weeks after the first unsuccessful assassination attempt.