These activities continued—except in a short two-month period with the death of his sister Manijeh (منیژه)—until the coup d'état of August 19, 1953 (٢٨ مرداد سال ١٣٣٢).
The success of the company led to the creation of the Nabl Film Institution (موسسه نبلی فیلم) in the late 1950s.
At this time, after eight years of close friendship with his childhood friend and member of the youth organization, Mihan Ghoreishy (میهن قریشی), he married her on October 13, 1960.
In this matter, his wife wrote: in these years, "We had no thoughts of a political future, we relied on our love and in the advancement of our studies.
[citation needed] When Jazani entered the University of Tehran, the country faced political and economic problems that led to a retreat for the Shah.
These problems were caused by the inabilities of the Shah's economic policies and the extreme military expenses that began after the Coup d'état in 1953.
The World Bank demanded the Iranian government to fix budget problems, reduce salaries, and balance specific economic plans to receive 35 million dollars of assistance.
The administration of John F. Kennedy also demanded political and economic reform in the Shah's government for 85 million dollar assistance.
Jazani and his followers slowly moved from the Tudeh party to the student and national front organizations because of their interest in the guerrilla movement in Latin America.
In early fall of 1963, Jebhe Melli Daneshjoo (سازمان دانشجویان جبهه ملی ایران), which after the resistance in Baharestan Ave, had lost hope to the politics of "patience and hope"; with the help of officials and leaders of the National Front (Iran) (جبهه ملی ایران) selected a new leader for this movement.
Up to March 1964, Hassan Habiby was the editor responsible for collecting information, articles, and news, while Jazani was in charge of the publication process.
Hooshang Keshavarz Sadr, Matin Daftari, Majeed Ahsan, and Mansoor Soroush were part of this committee.
Jazani had rented a hidden house for this purpose and had a significant role in all stages of the process, from financial to print.
By the spring of 1965, roughly 500 copies were published, and Bahmanpour Shareaty spread a number of them to officials of different universities in the Tehran province and others circulated by Matin Daftari and Dariush Forouhar in non-university-related locations.
In the afternoon of that same day, they arrested Jazani and several organizers of the student movement, such as Majeed Ahsan, Shireen Sour Esrafeel, and Manoochehr Taghavee.
The recommendation of Hassan Zia-Zarifi, due to the characteristics of Sourky, such as inexperience, crowded work, and his past affiliations that led to him being arrested, caused the central authority of the group to be uninterested in this prospect.
In this setting, they came up to the following conclusion regarding the relationship between the Soviet Union and Iran: "In our opinion the policies of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries in Iran opposes the growth and revolutionary struggle Asian countries against Imperialism and is in conflict with the chief idea of international pluralism and socialist diplomacy."
In addition, five other members of the group (Zarifi, Jaleel Afshar, Choopan Zadeh, Saeed Kalantari Nazari, and Keyanzad) were arrested by the SAVAK with the assistance of Abbas-Ali Shahryari and his organization.
Shortly after that, the remaining members of the group, including Hamid Ashraf and Masoud Ahmadzadeh, reorganized and renamed it to Iranian People's Fadaee Guerrillas (چريك فداييان خلق ايران).
Jazani was sentenced to life for participating in an organization against the monarchy and carrying an illegal weapon, which was later reduced to 15 years.
Because of the respect of the correctional officers towards Jazani, he was allowed to spend most of his time in the prison library studying and painting.
In this period, Jazani, with the assistance of his wife, gets in contact with the unknown members of the group and guides them in an ideological sense.
The responsibility of this movement was to organize resistance, manage activities, and teaching political and ideological to leftist prisoners and recruit Iranian People's Fadaee Guerrillas.
Most of those against Jazani were the followers of Masoud Ahmadzadeh and Amir Parviz Pooyan, two of the founders of Iranian People's Fadaee Guerrillas.
Even though Jazani did not mention Parviz Pooyan or Ahmadzadeh in his book, when discussing and offering his thoughts, he disapproves of those provided by these two individuals.
The ones that disagreed with Jazani and approved of Ahmadzadeh were under the belief that the government was in a revolutionary status and situations for a revolution existed.
Jazani would explain that a revolutionary status does not exist in the country, and in addition to that, a revolution does not result from armed struggle.
On the other hand, Jazani felt in the current situation, one should not limit their means to one method, but we should prepare the people in a political sense from all sides.
Bahman Naderipour, a SAVAK agent and closely involved with the executions, described that day's events: We took the prisoners to the high hills above Evin.
In the end, Sa'di Jalil Esfahani [another SAVAK agent, Babak] shot them in their heads [to ensure they were dead].