However, Plains Algonquian, which also includes Arapaho and Blackfoot, is an areal rather than genetic subgrouping.

The film's producers hired experts in the language and culture to ensure authenticity.

[4] In 1997, the Cultural Affairs Department of Chief Dull Knife College applied to the Administration for Native Americans for an approximately $50,000 language preservation planning grant.

Following this, the department wanted to use the compiled data to establish long-term community language goals, and to prepare Chief Dull Knife College to implement a Cheyenne Language Center and curriculum guide.

[5] In 2015, the Chief Dull Knife College sponsored the 18th Annual Language Immersion Camp.

This event was organized into two weeklong sessions, and its aim was to educate the younger generation on their ancestral language.

Ultimately, the camp provided approximately ten temporary jobs for fluent speakers on the impoverished reservation.

In other words, it is a practical spelling system designed to facilitate proper pronunciation.

This count excludes the results of allophonic devoicing, which are spelled with a dot over vowels.

According to linguist Wayne Leman, some research shows that Cheyenne may have a stress system independent from that of pitch.

The following pairs of phrases demonstrate pitch contrasts in the Cheyenne language: As noted by Donald G. Frantz, phonological rules dictate some pitch patterns, as indicated by the frequent shift of accent when suffixes are added (e.g. compare matšėškōme 'raccoon' and mátšėškomeo'o 'raccoons').

"[18] Cheyenne is a morphologically polysynthetic language with a sophisticated, agglutinating verb system contrasting a relatively simple noun structure.

[20] Like all Algonquian languages, Cheyenne shows a highly developed modal paradigm.

[21][22][23] The charts below provide examples of verb forms of every order in each mode, after Leman (2011)[24] and Mithun (1999).

[33] There are also several instrumental, locative and adverbial affixes that add further information to the larger verb construction.

For example, the prefix ná- can be combined on a verb with the suffix -me to express the first person plural exclusive.

[36] Following Algonquianist terminology, Leman (2011) describes "preverbs", morphemes which add adjectival or adverbial information to the verb stem.

[37] This large group of suffixes provide information about something associated with the root, usually communicating that the action is done with or to a body part.

[38] Following is a sample of medial suffixes:[39] Medial suffixes can also be used with nouns to create compound words or to coin entirely new words from existing morphemes, as in: ka'énė-hôtame [short-face-dog] = 'bulldog'[38] Cheyenne verbs take different object agreement endings depending upon the animacy of the subject and the transitivity of the verb itself.

This morpheme changes to sáa- in the absence of a pronominal affix, as occurs in the imperative and in some future tense constructions.

[42] They change according to grammatical number (singular and plural) but are not distinguished according to gender[43] or definiteness.

[46] As with possessive obviation above, the presence of a fourth person triggers morphological changes in both the verb and noun.

For example: Verbs register the presence of obviated participants whether or not they are present as nouns.

These forms could be likened to a kind of passive voice, although Esteban (2012) argues that since Cheyenne is a "reference-dominated language where case marking and word order are governed by the necessity to code pragmatic roles," a passive-like construction is assumed.

[47] This phenomenon is an example of typical Algonquian "person hierarchy," in which animacy and first personhood take precedence over other forms.

[48][49] These suffixes are irregular and can change slightly according to a complex system of phonological rules.

[46] Like all the Algonquian languages, Cheyenne developed from a reconstructed ancestor referred to as Proto-Algonquian (often abbreviated "PA").

According to linguist Paul Proulx, this gave off the appearance that "speakers of both Cheyenne dialects—perhaps mixed bands—were involved in the Arapaho contact that led to this unusual reflex of PA *k.".

Along with these resources, there are numbers of published books regarding the history of the language that also explain its grammar.