Feminism in Japan
[2] Prior to the late 19th century, Japanese women were bound by the traditional patriarchal system where senior male members of the family maintain their authority in the household.
The activists forwarded a comprehensive critique of the male-dominated nature of modern Japan, arguing for a fundamental change of the political-economic system and culture of the society.
In March 1925, the Diet passed the Universal Manhood Suffrage Law (普通選挙法, Futsū Senkyo Hō), allowing all men aged 25 years or older to vote - without imposing any economic qualifications, but excluding all women.
Enduring a societal, political, and cultural metamorphosis, Japanese citizens lived in confusion and frustration as their nation transitioned from a tiny isolated body to a viable world power.
Policymakers believed that women's education was imperative to the preservation of the state because it would prepare girls to be knowledgeable wives and mothers capable of producing diligent, nationally loyal sons.
In 1921, women were granted the right to attend political meetings by the Japanese Diet (parliament), which overruled Article 5 of the Police Security Act.
According to oral history studied by Thomas R.H. Havens, traditional paternalistic norms proved a barrier when the government wanted to exploit woman power more fully for the war effort.
[21] Forced prostitution for the benefit of Japanese soldiers created the "comfort women" program that proved highly embarrassing to Japan for decades after the war.
Typically fictional and nonfictional stories focused on social roles as mothers and wives, especially in dealing with hardships of housing and food supplies, and financial concerns in the absence of menfolk at war.
Evacuation of women and children from major cities, due to Allied air raids on Japan, was covered in detail to emphasize willingness to sacrifice for patriotism portrayed through fiction, news articles and photographs.
Furthermore, an increasing amount of feminist and leftist groups which had previously been staunchly anti-government suddenly began to take on a nationalist point of view during this time.
[12] Early in the war, Kikue engaged in round table style discussions with popular political figures such as Katayama Tetsu, Tatewaki Sadayo, Hiratsuko Raicho, and Okada Junko.
This magazine featured articles from socialist authors like Yamakawa Kikue calling for equal financial and social rights for not only women, but the lower class in general.
Shizue relocated to New York City with her husband and collaborated with American activist Margaret Sanger who was currently advocating for women's reproductive rights in the United States.
Her approach was to generate media attention by forming a protest group called Chupiren, who wore pink motorcycle helmets and took part in publicity stunts such as confronting unfaithful husbands in their offices.
"[40] Feminist groups have introduced legislation that would allow married couples to maintain separate surnames, a practice which in Japanese is referred to as fūfu bessei (夫婦別姓, lit.
In September 1911, Yosano Akiko's poem, "Mountain Moving Day," was published on the first page of the first edition of Seito, a magazine that marked the beginning of the Seitosha movement.
[48] Government opposition increased, deeming the content "harmful to the time-honored virtues of Japanese women", and banning five issues of Seito (Raicho, 218).
"[50] Japanese women's groups began campaigning against institutionalized prostitution in the 1880s,[51] and banded together in 1935 to form the National Purification League (Kokumin Junketsu Dōmei).
[52] Early activists tended to express disapproval of the women who were prostitutes, rather than of the men who managed such services, particularly in the widespread military brothel system.
This is often rejected by non-Asian feminists who argue that it is not real power, but ... Japanese women look at the low status attributed to the domestic labor of housewives in North America and feel that this amounts to a denigration of a fundamental social role—whether it is performed by a man or a woman.
[34] Unmarried Japanese adults typically live with their parents, thus saving on household expenses and increasing the amount of money available to spend on their own entertainment.
Recourse through the courts for the non-compliance of this duty would have to be done by invoking the clause for damages for tort under the Civil Code, just as it had been done before the adoption of the Equal Employment Opportunity Law.
On May 17, the Committee published its Concluding Observations including the recommendation: Goldman Sachs strategist Kathy Matsui coined the term Womenomics in 1999.
At the start of his administration in 2012, Prime Minister Shinzō Abe announced the implementation of an economic strategy, known as Abenomics, which included a number of policies aimed at increasing sustained female labor participation in Japan.
[59] The motivations for these policy measures were, on one hand, Japan's low female labor participation rate in 2013, relative to other high-income countries: 65% compared to the US (67.2); Germany (72.6); UK (66.4); and France (66.9).
In fact, studies by OECD show that more than 70%[67] of Japanese women quit their jobs or stops working for more than a decade and do not come back after giving birth to their first child, whilst it is about 30%[67] in the US.
[69] For women who are rejoining the workforce after taking some time off it to raise their children, this means that they disproportionately obtain jobs with lower salaries and precarious contracts.
[62] Motivated by this situation and the argument that more diversity in leadership positions leads to better management and more competitiveness, Prime Minister Abe has been encouraging companies and governmental agencies to create alternatives for women's career advancement.
Many high-income, democratic countries have faced the challenge of aging populations, and to some extent they have addressed it by implementing social and labor policies that facilitate a balance between work and family duties.
