The definition was used to describe "a type of fraud in which a trader withholds a large customer order so that he can personally profit from its effect on the market.

[6] It is a combination of frontrunner and –itis, a suffix frequently used informally to describe a tendency or mood that is comparable to a disease.

"[6] American author, columnist, journalist and presidential speechwriter William Safire describes the front-runner as being able to leave "the starting gate well" and set the pace for the other contestants.

Safire gives another example when he quotes Ted Sorensen's thoughts about John F. Kennedy's front-runner status during his 1960 presidential campaign: "There were disadvantages in being the 'front runner.'

[9] Safire argues that the front-runner "must come thundering into the convention increasing his speed and with enough 'kick' left for a final spurt" to be successful.

Safire quotes Peter Hart, a pollster "who advised" Walter Mondale, commenting on the 1984 race in 2007: "Inevitability is not a message ... there needs to be something to grab on to.

Safire also cites journalist Adam Gourney's thoughts: "[N]othing invites a teardown more than being perceived as the front-runner.

Being on top makes you a big target for your opponents and the news media, and sets you up for buyer's remorse, a common phenomenon in the nomination process, even before the sale is done.

"[8] Safire says that despite the risks in being the front-runner, candidates prefer it over being a dark horse or a long shot because that position has a higher chance of winning.

[10] David Greenberg, associate professor of History and of Journalism and Media Studies at Rutgers University, states that front-runners decided by early polls often do not win the nomination.

He further states that early front-runners are established in part due to recent media attention, and notes that Jonathan Bernstein, a political scientist and columnist, shares this view.

He notes Al Gore’s early lead in 1999 before winning the 2000 Democratic presidential nomination as an example.

He gives Ronald Reagan’s early front-runner status in 1979 before winning the 1980 Republican presidential nomination as an example.

Greenberg notes that William Mayer, a political scientist at Northeastern University, discovered that in contested primary races since 1980, of the eight front-runners who polled at 34 percent or higher in the September before the election, six won the nomination, and none of the five front-runners who polled below that percentage won.

Long shot candidates Gary Bauer, Orrin Hatch and Alan Keyes significantly contributed to the mass attack.

Steve Forbes experienced a negative effect on his image and lost all support he had from a sample of 91 viewers before the debate.