History of Argentina
However, the status of the different territories that had belonged to the viceroyalty changed many times during the course of the war, as some regions would remain loyal to their previous governors and others were captured or recaptured; later these would split into several countries.
During this period, the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata lacked a head of state, since the unitarian defeat at the Battle of Cepeda had ended the authority of the Supreme Directors and the 1819 Constitution.
The dominant figure of this period was the federalist Juan Manuel de Rosas, who is portrayed from different angles by the diverse historiographic flows in Argentina: liberal history usually considers him a dictator, while revisionists support him on the grounds of his defense of national sovereignty.
Most of these economic issues were solved when new land was opened for development after the expansion of national territory through the Conquest of the Desert, led by his war minister Julio Argentino Roca.
This and other government policies were strongly opposed by the Roman Catholic Church in Argentina, causing the Holy See to break off diplomatic relations with the country for several years and setting the stage for decades of continued Church–state strain.
Germany sank two Argentine civilian ships, Monte Protegido on 4 April 1917, and the Toro, but the diplomatic incident ended only with the expulsion of the German ambassador, Karl von Luxburg.
[26] Despite conservative opposition, the Radical Civic Union (UCR), with their emphasis on fair elections and democratic institutions, opened their doors to Argentina's expanding middle class as well as to social groups previously excluded from power.
[28] The Tragic Week of January 1919, during which the Argentine Regional Workers' Federation (FORA, founded in 1901) had called for a general strike after a police shooting, ended with 700 killed and 4,000 injured.
[citation needed] Social movements thereafter continued in the Forestal British company, and in Patagonia, where Hector Varela headed the military repression, assisted by the Argentine Patriotic League, killing 1,500.
[32] The same year, Yrigoyen was replaced by his rival inside the UCR, Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear, an aristocrat, who defeated Norberto Piñero's Concentración Nacional (conservatives) with 458,457 votes to 200,080.
[citation needed] During the early 1920s, the rise of the anarchist movement, fueled by the arrival of recent émigrés and deportees from Europe, spawned a new generation of left-wing activism in Argentina.
On 6 September 1930, a military coup led by the pro-fascist general José Félix Uriburu overthrew Yrigoyen's government and began a period in Argentine history known as the Infamous Decade.
The military coup initiated during the period known as the "Infamous Decade", characterized by electoral fraud, persecution of the political opposition (mainly against the UCR) and pervasive government corruption, against the background of the global depression.
In June 1956, two Peronist generals, Juan José Valle and Raul Tanco, attempted a coup against Aramburu, criticizing an important purge in the army, the abrogation of social reforms and persecution of trade-union leaders.
On the other hand, the Tacuara were outlawed by Illia in 1965, some of its members ultimately turning to the Peronist Left (such as Joe Baxter) while others remained in their far-right positions (such as Alberto Ezcurra Uriburu, who would work with the Triple A).
[citation needed] On 29 July 1966, Onganía ordered the forcible clearing of five facilities of the University of Buenos Aires (UBA) by the Federal Police, an event known as La Noche de los Bastones Largos ("The Night of the Long Batons").
Thus, Onganía had an interview with 46 CGT delegates, among them Vandor, who agreed to cooperate with the military junta, thus uniting themselves with the Nueva Corriente de Opinión headed by José Alonso and Rogelio Coria.
Beside these isolated actions, the Cordobazo uprising that year, called forth by the CGT de los Argentinos, and its Cordobese leader, Agustín Tosco, prompted demonstrations in the entire country.
[citation needed] In attempt to pacifiy the rising tide of resistance, the military government was ultimately forced to make concessions such as lifting the proscription of Peronism, holding open elections in 1973, and funding state housing initiatives addressing Shantytowns.
From Perón's speaking platform, camouflaged far-right gunmen fired on the masses, shooting at the Peronist Youth movement and the Montoneros, killing at least thirteen and injuring more than three hundred (this became known as the Ezeiza massacre).
Cámpora's followers such as Chancellor Juan Carlos Puig and Interior Minister Esteban Righi were immediately replaced by Alberto J. Vignes and Benito Llambi, and the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (ERP – People's Revolutionary Army) was declared a "dissolved terrorist organization".
His wife succeeded him in office, but her administration was undermined by the economic collapse (inflation was skyrocketing and GDP contracted), Peronist intra-party struggles, and growing acts of terrorism by insurgents such as the ERP and paramilitary movements.
[57] from 1974, during which military and security forces and right-wing death squads in the form of the Argentine Anticommunist Alliance (Triple A)[58] hunted down any kind of (or suspected to be) political dissidents and anyone believed to be associated with socialism or contrary to the plan of neoliberal economic policies dictated by Operation Condor.
On 22 December 1978, Argentina started[63] Operation Soberanía over the disputed islands, but the invasion was halted due to: (The newspaper Clarín explained some years later that such caution was based,) in part, on military concerns.
In this case, the resolution of the conflict would depend not on the combatants, but on the countries that supplied the weapons.In December that year, moments before Videla signed a declaration of war against Chile, Pope John Paul II agreed to mediate between the two nations.
The UCR-led government took steps to resolve some of the nation's most pressing problems, including accounting for those who disappeared during military rule, establishing civilian control of the armed forces, and consolidating democratic institutions.
Having taken office in December 1999, De la Rúa followed an IMF-sponsored program of government spending cuts, revenue increases, and provincial revenue-sharing reforms to get the federal fiscal deficit under control, and pursued labor market flexibilization and business-promotion measures aimed at stimulating foreign investment, so as to avoid defaulting the public debt.
As inflation became a serious issue and the effects of the crisis became apparent in the form of increased unemployment and poverty, Duhalde chose a moderate, low-profile economist, Roberto Lavagna, as his Minister of Economy.
[citation needed] After a year, Duhalde deemed his tasks fulfilled and, pressured by certain political factors, called for elections, which in April 2003 brought Néstor Kirchner, the center left Peronist governor of Santa Cruz, to power.
[83] On 14 November 2021, the center-left coalition of Argentina's ruling Peronist party, Frente de Todos (Front for Everyone), lost its majority in Congress, for the first time in almost 40 years, in midterm legislative elections.
