[a] It also has connotations with irredentist political claims on the territory on the grounds that it was held by Greece and in 1914 was declared an independent state[2] by the local Greeks against annexation to the newly founded Albanian principality.

[c] In the spring of 1914, the Autonomous Republic of Northern Epirus was proclaimed by ethnic Greeks in the territory and recognized by the Albanian government, though it proved short-lived as Albania collapsed with the onset of World War I. Greece held the area between 1914 and 1916 and unsuccessfully tried to annex it in March 1916.

The Hoxha regime also diluted the ethnic demographics of the region by relocating Greeks living there and settling in their stead Albanians from other parts of the country.

[c] Relations began to improve in the 1980s with Greece's abandonment of any territorial claims over Northern Epirus and the lifting of the official state of war between the two countries.

[d] According to the 20th century definition, Northern Epirus stretches from the Ceraunian Mountains north of Himara southward to the Greek border, and from the Ionian coast to Lake Prespa.

[citation needed] In antiquity, the northern border of the historical region of Epirus (and of the ancient Greek world) was the Gulf of Oricum,[9] [10][11] or alternatively, the mouth of the Aoös river, immediately to the north of the Bay of Aulon (modern-day Vlorë).

[e] The northern boundary of Epirus was unclear both due to political instability and the coexistence of Greek and non-Greek populations, notably Illyrians, such as in Apollonia.

[17] One of the leading figures of that period, the Orthodox missionary Cosmas of Aetolia, traveled and preached extensively in northern Epirus, founding the Acroceraunian School in Himara in 1770.

The latter was one of the most active generals of the revolutionaries and participated in several major armed conflicts, such as the Third Siege of Missolonghi, where Lagoumitzis was the defenders' chief engineer.

Spyromilios also became a prominent political figure after the creation of the modern Greek state and discreetly supported the revolt of his compatriots in Ottoman-occupied Epirus in 1854.

[25] The dominant view in Greece considers Orthodox Christianity an integral element of the Hellenic heritage, as part of its Byzantine past.

The outcome of the following Peace Treaty of London[h] and Peace Treaty of Bucharest,[i] signed at the end of the Second Balkan War, was unpopular among both Greeks and Albanians, as settlements of the two people existed on both sides of the border: the southern part of Epirus was ceded to Greece, while Northern Epirus, already under the control of the Greek army, was awarded to the newly found Albanian State.

The signing of the Protocol ensured that the region would have its own administration, recognized the rights of the local Greeks and provided self-government under nominal Albanian sovereignty.

[6] The Albanian Government, with the country's entrance to the League of Nations (October 1921), made the commitment to respect the social, educational, religious rights of every minority.

[c] In the event, only a limited area in the Districts of Gjirokastër, Sarandë and four villages in Himarë region consisting of 15,000 inhabitants[38] was recognized as a Greek minority zone.

The Albanian state viewed Greek education as a potential threat to its territorial integrity,[38] while most of the teaching staff was considered suspicious and in favour for the Northern Epirus movement.

[49] Some others, c. 1,500 joined the left-wing Albanian National Liberation Army, in which they formed three separate battalion (named Thanasis Zikos, Pantelis Botsaris, Lefteris Talios).

[60] The Soviet-Yugoslav rapprochement in the early 1960s and the possibility that Greece might annex Northern Epirus were important factors in Albania's rift with the Soviet Union and its move towards China.

[62] As part of the atheism campaign the Greek minority was subject to much more comprehensive persecusion, with the closure and demolition of churches, burning of religious books and widespread human rights violations.

[60] Beginning in 1990, large number of Albanian citizens, including members of the Greek minority, began seeking refuge in Greece.

[c] In recent years relations have significantly improved; Greece and Albania signed a Friendship, Cooperation, Good Neighborliness and Security Agreement on March 21, 1996.

[74][75] Tensions rose again following the 2014 administrative and territorial reform in Albania; and again in 2016 and 2017, following the decision of local authorities in Himara to demolish the homes of 19 ethnic Greek families.

There were no reliable statistics on the size of any ethnic minorities,[w] while the latest official census (2011) has been widely disputed due to boycott and irregularities in the procedure.

[88] According to Ian Jeffries in 1993, most western estimates of the minority's size put it at around 200,000, or ~6% of the population,[89] though a large number, possibly two thirds, has migrated to Greece in recent years.

Nevertheless, religious education shall be exclusively in Greek.Liberty of language:The permission to use both Albanian and Greek shall be assured, before all authorities, including the Courts, as well as the elective councils.These provisions will not only be applied in that part of the province of Corytza now occupied militarily by Albania, but also in the other southern regions."

[114] While violent incidents have declined in recent years, the ethnic Greek minority has pursued grievances with the government regarding electoral zones, Greek-language education, and property rights.

[118] However, Greek representatives already found this procedure unacceptable due to article 20 of the Census law, which was proposed by the nationalist oriented Party for Justice, Integration and Unity and accepted by the Albanian government.

[123] Vasil Bollano, the head of Omonoia declared that: "We, as minority representatives, state that we do not acknowledge this process, nor its product and we are calling our members to refrain from participating in a census that does not serve the solution of current problems, but their worsening".

When the First World War broke out in 1914, 360 Greek language schools were functioning in Northern Epirus (as well as in Elbasan, Berat, Tirana) with 23,000 students.

The League of Nations recognized as part of the minority zone 99 settlements in the Gjirokastër-Sarandë areas and 3 villages in Himara (Himarë, Palasë, Dhërmi).