[29] The movement is associated with pogroms and antisemitism, although its relations with the Jews were more complex;[30] it was typical among the White generals to believe that the Revolution was a result of a Jewish conspiracy.

[31] Some historians distinguish the White movement from the so-called "democratic counter-revolution" led mainly by the Right SRs and the Mensheviks that adhered to the values of parliamentary democracy and maintained democratic anti-Bolshevik governments (Komuch, Ufa Directory) until November 1918,[32][25] and then supported either the Whites or the Bolsheviks or opposed both factions.

Some of the former White commanders also hoped to depose the Soviet authorities by means of collaboration with Nazi Germany during World War II.

[38] The White Army generally believed in a united multinational Russia and opposed separatists who wanted to create nation-states.

'Informing Agency'), made the claim that "the Jews must pay for everything: for the February and October revolutions, for Bolshevism and for the peasants who took their land from the owners".

[40] British parliamentary influential leader Winston Churchill (1874–1965) personally warned General Anton Denikin (1872–1947), formerly of the Imperial Army and later a major White military leader, whose forces effected pogroms and persecutions against the Jews: [M]y task in winning support in Parliament for the Russian Nationalist cause will be infinitely harder if well-authenticated complaints continue to be received from Jews in the zone of the Volunteer Armies.

Whites differed on policies toward the German Empire in its extended occupation of western Russia, the Baltic states, Poland, and Ukraine on the Eastern Front in the closing days of the World War, debating whether or not to ally with it.

[45] Admiral Alexander Kolchak succeeded in creating a temporary wartime government in Omsk, acknowledged by most other White leaders, but it ultimately disintegrated after Bolshevik military advances.

[6] Some warlords who were aligned with the White movement, such as Grigory Semyonov and Roman Ungern von Sternberg, did not acknowledge any authority but their own.

The composition and command structure of White armies also varied, some containing hardened veterans of World War I, others more recent volunteers.

In late February 1918, 4,000 soldiers under the command of General Aleksei Kaledin were forced to retreat from Rostov-on-Don due to the advance of the Red Army.

In March, 3,000 men under the command of General Viktor Pokrovsky joined the Volunteer Army, increasing its membership to 6,000, and by June to 9,000.

The White generals never mastered administration;[52] they often utilized "prerevolutionary functionaries" or "military officers with monarchististic inclinations" for administering White-controlled regions.

[54] The Whites and the Reds fought the Russian Civil War from November 1917 until 1921, and isolated battles continued in the Far East until June 1923.

In that front, they launched an attack in collaboration with the Czechoslovak Legions, who were then stranded in Siberia by the Bolshevik Government, who had barred them from leaving Russia, and with the Japanese, who also intervened to help the Whites in the east.

Pepelyayev's Yakut revolt, which concluded on 16 June 1923, represented the last military action in Russia by a White Army.

Headed by Nikolai Yudenich, Evgeni Miller, and Anatoly Lieven, the White forces in the North demonstrated less co-ordination than General Denikin's Army of Southern Russia.

They established military and cultural networks that lasted through World War II (1939–1945), e.g. the Harbin and Shanghai Russians.

Afterward, the White Russians' anti-communist activists established a home base in the United States, to which numerous refugees emigrated.

After the February Revolution, in western Russia, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania declared themselves independent, but they had a substantial Communist or Russian military presence.